Epigraphy of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region

RAJ SOMADEVA

INTRODUCTION

Scattered in the 446.6 square miles which form the study area (Bandaranayake 1990:14) lie nearly 300 lithic records. The evidence from these inscriptions gives an insight into the development of the society which created them and so they cannot be ignored in a study of the Settlement Archaeology of the area. These inscriptions have served as vehicles of mass media at the time of their creation. Since these inscriptions containing information on edicts, ideas, prasastis, donations, etc. remain unchanged, they are a ready and reliable source of information for the present archaeologists to reconstruct the social history of a people of the past.

The facts which these inscriptions reveal belong more to a literary than an archaeological context. So, on grasping the time and spatial context in which an inscription was made, the literary evidence it brings out gives a clue to understanding the material culture of its contemporary society and the social milieu that existed.

All the inscriptions, which were found after extensive ex­ ploration, have been included in this study. There is no doubt there could be others which have not given up the secret of their location.1 This exploration was as wide as the limited resources of time and manpower could be stretched. The in­ scriptions found have been categorized according to chronol­ ogy and type (see fig. 13:2).

The inscriptions of the area can be classified into two groups: those which express a complete idea, and those which are isolated symbols that cannot be interpreted. As both cate­ gories are the result of human activity and endeavour, they are discussed as a total collection and not as two distinct groups.

The principal aim of this exploration was to record as large a collection of inscriptions as possible. Some of those col­ lected have already been read and published. Deciphering and publishing the new finds, identifying and mapping the loca­ tions and making an analytical study of all the epigraphical materials which were found within the study area followed.

The inscriptions met the needs of a mass communication system, hence it was imperative that they should stand at places frequented by the people for whose benefit the informa­ tion (in the inscriptions) was meant, so that the purpose of the announcement was fulfilled. This does not follow that every such location was a settlement. These inscriptions may have stood at crossroads, fords, market places, entrepots or places where people gathered periodically, although they did not set­ tle in the immediate vicinity. A study of the location of the inscriptions from an archaeological point of view, shows clearly that they stood in close proximity to or at purana settlements, high roads and trade centres.2

The above principles can be applied very profitably to analyze the distribution pattern of the inscriptions in the reg­ ion. Although there is evidence of a connection between the geology of the region and this distribution pattern, it is also seen that there is a close correlation between the settlement pattern and the inscriptions themselves, quite apart from the geological factors.

Distribution.

There have been found only two inscriptions in the southern bank of the Kiri oya which falls within the easternmost corner of the region (see fig. 13:3). Of them, one dating to the 10th century AD is found close to the now abandoned Peikkulam tank; the other is of the 3rd century AD, located in the lower alluvial plain at Vavala (Manatunga 1990:82). This sector of the region has a topography which shows rocky outcrops that fall between 800 and 2200ft. contours. The landscape shows eroded rock remnants (Epitawatte 1990) which render the land unsuitable for Dry Zone swidden cultivation (Swan 1987:124-7). These geographical factors must have precluded settlement in this area, thus causing a very low population density, giving rise to no necessity for population movement, as the area is not very accessible and further travelling is impeded by the physical character of the land. In total con­ trast to the above, we see that the Sigiriya and Dambulla region has an abundance of inscriptions, dating to several phases of history; and so we can conjecture that this region must have been an area of continuous human occupation through many centuries.

Archaeological sources other than these inscriptions give strong evidence that the Sigiriya-Dambulla region has been the site of intense cultural activity and was the settlement nuclei through long periods in history. Bandaranayake (1990: 21-32) also refers to the above factor.

There are marked changes in the distribution pattern and density of inscriptions within each of the sub-phases of major divisions of history. Although the underlying reasons for this are unclear, it can be inferred that the expansion and contrac­ tion of regional land use and the fluctuation of regional oc­ cupational patterns must in no small way have influenced and pressurized them. In an overview of the total distribution within the region, it is possible to trace two patterns of locational setting: con­ centrations and isolated sites.3 Into the concentration pattern fall sites which were either centres of political importance or monastic centres, such as Dambulla, Sigiriya, Kaludiyapoku- na, Pidurangala, etc. Viyaulpota and Habarana stand as ex­ amples of isolated sites.

Chronology

Inscriptions dating between the 3rd century BC and the 18th century AD have been found distributed all over the island (EZ Vol. 1-6). Although there are variations in form and content, it is not difficult to trace the development and evolu­ tion of the inscriptions themselves, through these 21 cen­ turies. Epigraphists for the purpose of study have divided thebody of the island’s inscriptions according to their chronol­ ogy (Tennakoon 1957; Karunaratne 1984). To attempt to classify the inscriptions within a historical division of time, based on dynastic changes and the rise and fall of kingdoms, as is the system followed by the historians, is not theoretically sound or acceptable.4

On the contrary, dating the inscriptions must be founded on a close examination of their paleography, language and the evolution patterns that these fields have undergone. Definite explanations are difficult to find for either the longterm chan­ ges, or the sudden stylistic variations which occur in the script and usage. These cannot be relegated to a fixed time or space, but the cumulative effects of the elasticity, or rigidity, of the current foreign policies, invasions, migrations and immigra­ tions and the expansion and contraction of trade, must have played a subtle part in these changes.

Epigraphists agree that the 3rd century BC to the 7th cen­ tury AD is the first major period of lithic record in Sri Lanka (Tennakoon 1957; Karunaratne 1984). Although there are ma­

ny paleographic changes within these ten centuries, the script still holds many of the basic characteristics of the original Brahmi letters.

However for the purpose of the study, the thousand years between the 3rd century BC and the 7th century AD are divided into three phases: (1) 3rd century BC to 1st century AD - Early Brahmi phase; (2) 1st century AD to 5th century AD - Brahmi phase; (3) 5th century AD to 7th century AD - Later Brahmi phase.

The 3rd century BC to 1st century AD is designated as the early Brahmi phase, as the oldest script known in the island dates to this period. The early Brahmi script, dating to the reign of the Mauryan emperor Asoka of India (268 BC) is used

on the donatory inscriptions above the drip ledges of the rock shelters that were used as monastic dwellings, during this period.No considerable development or significant change in the script can be noticed during these 400 years.5 For this reason this period is considered here as the first or Early phase of the script.

There is a clear development in the characters of the po- stlst century AD period. The extending of vertical strokes downward, a noticeable rounding leftwards, and the agglo­ meration of signs and marks without phonetic value, are char­ acteristics of the second, or Brahmi phase. Other scholars have made comparative studies of the Brahmi script of this phase and the contemporary scripts of Southern and Western India (Wickramesinghe 1904; Karunaratna 1984).6 In this study, the era is referred to as the Brahmi phase, on consideration of the evolution of the script and the fact that it retained its basic original forms all through its evolution. Further, this period is considered separately, since this phase marks the beginning of an unbroken evolution of the script, which continued into later phases.

The script of the 5th - 7th centuries shows the beginning of the transition from Brahmi to Sinhala. Some of the letters are more rounded, and a slight evolution of the original Brahmi, which makes its roots almost untraceable, is a significant fact in the study of the characters. But some characters still con­ tinue to hold similarities to their root. For these reasons this timespan is referred to here as the Later Brahmi period.

During the period between 7th century AD and 12th cen­ tury AD we find a very marked and rapid evolution of the script taking place. Since the first two centuries show only very slow changes, and the following two centuries evidence a rapid rate of change, these two sub-phases are considered as separate phases. Taken collectively, these five centuries can be considered the evolutionary stage from Brahmi to Sinhala, hence the period is referred to as the ‘Brahmi-Sinhala Transi­ tional Period’. The final stage of transformation, or the Proto­ Sinhala phase, occurs during the 12th and 15th centuries. Although the characters are not those of today’s Sinhala, they are remarkably akin to the script in use today. The post-15th century saw the completion of the transformation into Modem Sinhala.

The chronology is based on the principles of division des­ cribed above (see fig. 14:2). A chart showing the density and dispersal of inscriptions within the region is shown (see fig. 14:4).

Source Material

Most of the inscriptions within this area have been read and published previously by eminent scholars. A large number of Early Brahmi inscriptions at Sigiriya, Dambulla, Ambulam- be, Kandalama and Digampataha have been published in ASCAR (1911-12) and the corpus of the Brahmi inscriptions of Ceylon by Paranavitana (1970). Several inscriptions were recently uncovered by the Cultural Triangle project team at Dambulla. (DE. 1988) Ranawella (1984) has documented so­ me inscriptions from the environs of Sigiriya. Very recently a hitherto unknown inscription was discovered at Unalugala by the exploration team of the current SARCP project.7 Of the six lithic records attributable between the 1st and 2nd cen­ turies AD that have been found in the study area, only two have been published. They are the Habarana rock inscription (Muller 1883) and the Dambulla rock inscription (Parana­ vitana 1983). The Nirauva, Beliyakanda and Kaluarachchig- ama rock inscriptions (Somadeva 1990) have also been recently deciphered. The slab inscription at Pidurangala, whi­ ch can be ascribed to the 6th or 7th century AD, and a pillar inscription from Egodavava, in the vicinity of Sigiriya, which can be ascribed to the 10th century AD, are being edited by the author.

Only one inscription dated between the 10th and 12th cen­ turies AD has been found in this area. This is credited to be the work of King Nissankamalla (1187-1196 AD) (Wickramesin- ghe 1904). No inscriptions belonging to the period between the 12th and 15th centuries have been recorded. The only inscription that falls into the Modern period is that found at the Dambulla cave complex, said to be the work of Sri Vira Parak- rama Narendrasimha (1707 AD).8

The Early Brahmi Period

Although there is no final consensus on the earliest date for the Brahmi inscriptions found in the rest of the island, it is possible to ascribe the earliest date for those within the pre­ sent study area definitely to the first half of the 2nd century BC. The basis for this is the Early Brahmi cave inscription at Dambulla, which says: "Devanapiya maharajhasa Gamini Tisasa mahalene agata anagata catu disa sagasa dine” ("The great cave of the great king Gamini Tissa, the friend of the gods (is given) to the sangha of the four quarters present and absent”). Paranavitana (1970:Lii) accounts Devanapiya Gamini referred to in this inscription to be Saddhatissa. In yet another inscription in the vicinity that reads: "Damarakita - teraha lene agata anagata cutu disa sagasa dine Gamini Abayasa rajhiyahi karite." - "The cave of the elder Dhamma- rakkhita (is given) to the sangha of the four quarters present and absent (the cave) fashioned in the reign of Gamini Ab- haya" - we find a Gamini Abay a referred to. This individual could well be Saddhatissa’s predecessor, his brother Dutu- gemunu (161-137 BC) (Paranavitana 1970:Lii).9 As with all the inscriptions of the period spread over the island, those of this area are also associated with rock shelters (Paranavitana 1970:xv). Hence the location of rock shelters has been one of the most salient factors that determined the distribution and dispersal patterns of inscriptions belonging to this period.

Although every rock shelter does not bear an inscription (Adikari this volume) those that do are found at well drained locations free from water-logging and damp, but with easy access to a perennial water supply. The agglomeration of in­ scriptions of the Early Brahmi period, in the Mirisgoni Oya basin, Sigiri Oya basin and Dambulla Oya basin, highlights this basis for choice of shelters for occupation.

The brevity of the texts is a common feature of inscriptions belonging to the period. Within the study area, as elsewhere, the inscriptions only testify to the donation of the cave. The donors’ and the recipients, who are invariably referred to as "agatha anagata chatudisa sagasa dine” - which translates: "to the members of the sangha of the four directions present and absent" - are not identified by name. Although this is the general rule, there are a few which omit one or the other of the points mentioned above (IC No. 859/861 and 865). Although these inscriptions are brief, the texts tell us directly or indirect­ ly of the political, social and economic conditions of the times.

The naming of kings and provincial rulers in these don­ atory texts is a pointer to the fact that the one time rulers of the area had associated themselves zealously with the affairs of religion and supported the sangha in the spread of Buddhism.The Early Brahmi inscriptions of the study area show that the only figure of note in the contemporary political arena was Saddhatissa (137-119 BC). Further, the Ambulambe cave in­ scription (ASCAR 1911-12:121) speaks of a pachina raja whom the historians have recognized as a provincial ruler. According to Paranavitana’s interpretation, this inscription (IC lxiii) pachina raja (Skt: prachina raja) denotes hereditary or dynastic kingship.10 If Paranavitana’s interpretation (which he justifies by presenting the argument that the early Chola kings were referred to by the title muttaiyar, which by connotation is linguistically equivalent to pachina raja) is acceptable, it can be inferred that before political authority was centralized under a single canopy of kingship, there must have existed a plurality of authority under several independent rulers.

Gunawardana (1985) has expressed these same views and also drawn attention to the fact that by an analysis of the Ambulambe inscriptions it is possible to trace the genealogy of a pachina raja. Such genealogies can be read in some of the inscriptions particularly of southern Sri Lanka.11 These in­ scriptions refer not only to a king-maharajah12 and provincial rulers, but also to a title called parumaka (Skt: pramukhaP). Many scholars have put forward various interpretations and theories around this term, but their central idea is that pa­ rumaka referred to an elite strata in the administrative system (Ellavala 1969; Paranavitana 1980). Fourteen parumaka are referred to in the inscriptions within the study area. The pa­ rumaka of the Kandalama cave inscription (IC no:860) has also been a totabojhaka (Skt: tritha bhojaka) that is to say, one who enjoyed the revenue from a ferry.14 It is remarkable that most of the references to parumaka are found in the inscrip­ tions of the Dambulla monastic cave complex.

The gamika (Skt: gramika) - village elder or leader - and the gahapati (Skt: gruhapati) - householder - are named in several of them, thus showing that the concept of identity of family and village had been established in society by this time. This is further strengthened by the fact that one gamika and six gahapati are mentioned in the inscriptions in this area.

Often included in these donatory inscriptions are terms of kinship, such as bariya (Skt: bharya) - wife - "Tisa ayaha bariya upasika rakiya lene” - ("The cave of female lay devotee Raki, wife of prince Tissa") (IC no.832), jita (Skt: duhitru) - daughter - "gamika Vahaba jhitaya parumaka Pushadeva jhaya(ya) lene upashika Sivaya lene” - ("The cave of lay devotee Siva, wife of pramukha Pussadeva, daughter of gramika Vasabha") (IC no.853), puta (Skt: putra) - son - "pachina raj ha puta Tisayaha lene” ("The cave of prince Tissa, son of the pachina king.") (IC no.831). The names of five gam - villages - also occur in the writing. (Seneviratne 1990). So we can infer that they must have been situated in close proximity.

In his study of the Brahmi inscription, Paranavitana (1970) has commented on the different vocations and trades practised in Sri Lanka of the Early Historic period. The present research also picked out two such instances where vocations are men­ tioned. They are the dunuvaya (Skt: danugraha) - archer - of the Dambulla cave inscription (IC no.846) and ananika (Skt: arannyanika) - an officer in charge of irrigation works men­ tioned in the same inscription. One inscription refers to a bamana (Skt: brahmana) and several researchers show that Brahmanism had taken hold in society before the acceptance of Buddhism as a popular state religion.15

The etymology of personal names such as Nagadata (Skt: Nagadatta) (IC no.859), Tisaguta (Skt: Tisyagupta)(IC no- .852), Pusadeva (P: Pussadeva) could be evidence of the exist­ ence of non-Buddhist beliefs.16 If the name Naguli which appears in one of the Sigiriya cave inscriptions (IC no.869) is a derivation from the Skt: langula - ‘plough’- then it is not wrong to suppose that this must have been a society where agriculture was of great importance.

These secular inscriptions are also overshadowed by the inscriptions referring to the clerical segment in contemporary society. According to tradition, Buddhist adherents fell into four categories: Bikshu - monks, Bikshuni - nuns, Upasaka - male lay devotee, Upasika - female lay devotee. The words tera (Skt: thera), bata (Skt: badantaf sadivihariya (P: Sad- dhiviharika^) are used to refer to bikshu or monk. The monk written of in the Kandalama cave inscription (IC no.860)) is given the added adjectival description of majimabanaka (Skt: majjhima bhanakaf The Bhanakax^ sect were members of the Buddhist clergy who maintained an oral tradition of the pre­ cepts and teachings of the Buddha. According to Adhikaram (1946) majjhimabhanaka was a sect that kept up the oral tradition of the majjhima nikaya of the Sutrapitaka.19

Within these inscriptions, which span a period of three centuries, is reflected the centripetal movement from dispersed pockets of political power towards a central authority. This seems to indicate that in the Early Historic and Middle His­ toric periods there was greater institutional and elite interest and administrative interaction in these areas; and therefore probably a greater demographic concentration.

Brahmi period

The content and form of the inscriptions of the 1st and 2nd centuries AD mark them out as a group distinct from the Early Brahmi records. The past tradition of cave inscriptions now gives way to rock inscriptions (IC vol.ii). It is difficult to determine reasons for this change. However, the abandoning of the caves by the monks, in preference of complexes built on the architectural patterns of the lay dwellings, must in some oblique way have influenced the change (Somadeva 1993). All the inscriptions of this period record donations to monasteries. The authorship, date and purpose of donation is very clearly indicated in these commemorative edicts. The inscriptions are invariably headed by a stanza of blessing.20 The authors always belonged to the elite of society, viz: kings, ministers and commanders of the army, etc 21

These inscriptions in the study area bring into focus the work of four kings who are the best known in the political administration of the island. The first of these is Vahaba, better known as Vasabha (67-111 AD) (Mv xxxv:59) who is also mentioned in the Kaluaracchigama slab inscription (Somadeva 1990). This founder of the Lambakarna dynasty22 and patron of agriculture, is eulogized as one of the greatest ad­ ministrators of the land. The second is Gajabahu 1 (114-136 AD) referred to in the Nirauva edict as Gamini Abhaya. Ac­ cording to the Mahavamsa (Mv xxxv:115) and the Rajavaliya (ed. 1976) of a later date, this great warrior king had for the first known time led a military expedition to South India.

According to the Mahavamsa, King Mahasena (274-301 AD) the great champion of agriculture and irrigation, who in later times was deified as a rural god named Minneri deviyo by his grateful peasant subjects, was succeeded by Sri Meg- havarnabhaya (301-328 AD) who carried on the great work of his predecessor and holds a place among the great rulers of the island. The Vavala rock inscription (Manatunga 1990) is cre­ dited to mark the work of Sri Meghavarnabhaya, notably the historic event of bringing the Sacred Tooth relic of the Buddha to Sri Lanka (Mv xxxvii). The Tonigala inscription too, was meant to honour the work of this great king (EZ Vol.iii:172).

The fourth great king is Kutakannabhaya, whose work is best known through the Dambulla rock inscription (Paran- avitana (ed.) 1983). He is referred to a nara isera (Skt: nara isvara), to mean ‘a mortal as powerful as God Ishvara’. These inscriptions reiterate what the chronicles reveal - that during this period there was a tendency towards centralization of political power in the island.23 What is clearly brought into focus through inscriptions of this period is the contemporary advance, with technological innovations in the field of agri­ cultural irrigation. The expansion of wet cultivation is marked, as several tanks are named in the inscriptions. The underlying causes for the vast development of irrigation, as compared with the earlier period, are clearly stated by some scholars (Gunawardana 1978).

Evidence is found that, with the expansion of tank-irrigated agriculture, a simultaneous rise of revenue to the king’s coffers also took place. The institution of a dakapati or jakabaka (Skt: Udaka prapti) - water tax 24- from the users of the tanks as revenue, is also chronicled in the inscriptions of this period. Two other taxes were collected during this period: the mataramajibaka (Skt: matrika matsaya bhaga) - on fishing in waterways - and the bojiyapati (Skt: bhojaka prapti) - a levy on lands under cultivation. These are referred to in inscriptions in other areas of the island, but those of the study area are silent on this subject. Vapi hamika, or private owners of tanks, are mentioned in inscriptions outside the study region, but not spoken of in the inscriptions of the area under present research. But the inscriptions of this area describe the sale and purchase of tanks by private individuals. The Nirauva rock inscription speaks of a king’s son who purchased a tank for the price of 100,000 kahavanu and donated it to a monastery (Somadeva 1990).

These inscriptions are also pointers to the beginning of the accumulation of wealth by monasteries.25 In timefc previous to the study period, the inscriptions enumerate cave shelters as the foremost donations of worldly possessions made to the monks; but this differs greatly during this period, when tanks and revenue from tanks were the gifts which kings bestowed on the monasteries. The uses to which the accruing revenue could be put were specifically stipulated in the donatory in­ scription, possibly to prevent the misuse or misappropriation of funds thus collected.

The Nirauva inscription states that the donation was made for the use of the bikkus of the Dakshina Naga Pabbata Vih- ara. But we are unable to ascertain the nature of the donation, as one section of the inscription has been eroded. Many of the inscriptions outside the study area refer to various forms of Buddhist architecture, but the two inscriptions within the area only refer to the pabbata vihara complex.

The introduction of new elements into the context of the inscriptions is a reflection of the rapid social and economic changes which had taken place in contemporary society. The reconciliation of the political disputes that marked the years immediately previous to the study period, which had seen the rise of the Lambakarna dynasty as the rulers of the island, the political stability that followed their ascendancy, the introduc­ tion of new technology in irrigation and the expansion of agriculture in its wake, must be accounted as factors of change which brought about a resurgence among the people.

Water, the perennial problem of the Dry Zone, was solved to a great extent by the network of irrigation reservoirs. This caused considerable agricultural growth, surplus production and augmenting of revenue, which made donations of largesse to the monasteries a possibility. This stability that we interpret through the inscriptions must have been sustained by two principal factors: the personal magnetism and personality of Vasaba, Gajabahu I and Mahasen, scions of the Lambakarna dynasty, and their individual systems of wielding power, the icons of which they stamped on the society they ruled.

The Later Brahmi Period

The second Ijalf of the 5th century AD marks the beginning of the Later Brahmi Period, which extends until the mid-7th century AD. Historians refer to this as a period of political instability. The remarkable feature of this period is the dearth of inscriptions throughout the island. There is no definite reason that can be pinpointed as its cause, but one can infer that the political instability of the times must have indirectly affected the situation.27

There is a sameness in the content of the inscriptions of the Later Brahmi period. As all the edicts bear the word vaharala, they are referred to as the vaharala inscriptions. Much discussion has arisen and contrary ideas put forward on the purpose for which the edicts were written and their substance. The most valuable interpretations have been made by Paranavitana (1955). If his inferences are correct and acceptable, these edicts concern the manumission of monastic slaves. There are six vaharala edicts in the study area. One outstanding feature of the Later Brahmi inscriptions is that their authors have been commoners. This is evident by their content and format. The lettering of these edicts is not systematic, nor stylistically in­ scribed. The scribe seems to have neither known the finer points of the script nor the proportion and size of the letters. Tennekoon (1957) commenting says that these inscriptions are not of royal origin, their format is weak, the stone has not been adequately dressed and he hazards the inference that they must have been worked by incompetent and untalented artisans.

The Transitional Period

The inscriptions dated between the mid-7th century AD and end of the 13th century AD are categorized here as belonging to the Mediaeval period of inscriptions. They differ greatly in substance and format from those of both the Early Brahmi and Later Brahmi periods. The inscriptions of this period were usually incised on stone pillars about 6ft. in height. The pillars were generally four-sided, but octagonal shapes are not un­ common. 29 Many of these pillars carry lettering on four orthree faces. In most pillars the letters are incised within horizontal guidelines, but there are rare instances when the letters are incised in vertical columns, without any guidelines being marked. The Viyaulpota pillar stands unique among the inscriptions and still remains a conundrum to the epigraphist (EZ Vol.iv:176). Some of these pillars have ornamental capi­ tals in the shape of a punkalasa, which is the traditional sym­ bol for fertility and prosperity.30

The inscriptions found of this period can be discussed under two headings: the greater number dealing with royal immunity grants, and others that are legislative edicts. Both these categories are found within the study area. The word ‘attani’31 occurs in many of the pillars, so they are referred to as attani inscriptions. The texts of the attani inscriptions have been very carefully organized. The king on whose authority the donation was made is identified, the date of gifting, in whose presence the donation was witnessed,33 the beneficiary institution and the rules and conditions governing the donation are all recorded. All the edicts give a list of categories of people, materials and articles that are taboo within the donated property. Every attani edict concludes with a curse such as ‘may those who contravene this legislation be bom as dogs or crows’. In traditional Buddhist literature the dog and crow are thought of as animals who lead a very difficult existence.

In no instance is the donor king identified by his personal name, but always by his regal title.34 The comprehensive list of titles of the officers that has come to light, through reading these inscriptions, shows that there existed clear cut legislative, executive and judicial administrative elements in the contem­ porary state organization.35 Land has been the most common donation and Buddhist monasteries, padhanaghara36 piriven37 nunneries and hospitals have been the beneficiaries. A donation to a single individual is rare.

At the conclusion of the attani edict there is placed one or more stylized symbols of the sun, moon, etc. The symbol of a man with a plate in his hand, which is seen in the inscription at Polonnaruva is interpreted as representative of the preta called Matanga39 (EZ Vol.v:pl. 9). The above is a general description of the form and content of the attani inscriptions between the 7th and 10th centuries in the island.

Six kings are identified through the inscriptions in the region. The majority of them belong to the Manavamma dy­ nasty, mentioned in the Culavamsa (Cu xlvii). The first of these is identified as Sena II (853-887 AD) by historians and as the Culavamsa tells us, he invaded the Pandyan provinces of South India and protected the island from "all calamities and dangers". His chief queen Sangha is said to be the builder of the Sangasenapabbata vihara that belongs to the Abhayagiri monastery. King Sena II is named as the author of the Kimbis- sa and Viyaulpota pillar inscriptions.

Chronologically, Udaya II (887-898 AD) to whom is credited the Peikkulama pillar inscriptions, succeeded Sena II. The pillar inscription at Iripinniyava and Rambava, in the Anuradhapura District, have been traced to this king (EZ V- ol.i:163). The Culavamsa records that this king was so mag­ nanimous that he gifted 13 lakhs of kahavanu for social welfare.

The largest number of inscriptions are credited to Sena IPs son, Kasyapa IV (898-914 AD). These include three in the Mapagala-Ramakale area and the pillar inscription presently in the Sigiriya archaeological museum, the provenance of which is not known. The chronicles speak of the generosity of Kasyapa IV. Among the many religious edifices he constru­ cted are the multi-storeyed building at the Abhayagiri mon­ astery, which is identified as Kasubradmahapa in the Jetavana inscription by Mahinda IV (956-972 AD); and the Kassap- asena monastery gifted to the Sagalika sect, referred to in the Bilibava pillar inscription as Kasubsensenevirad pirivena (EZ Vol.ii:38).

A fragmented pillar inscription at Pidurangala speaks of Uda Mahapa as its author. Ranawella (1984) identifies him as Dappula IV (924-935 AD) of whom the Culavamsa says that he repelled a Chola invasion. Another personality we meet in the inscriptions is Sena III, who is said to have made many donations towards public welfare.

The last of the kings mentioned in the inscriptions of the period is Kirti Sri Nissankamalla (1187-1196 AD) of the Kal- inga dynasty, known as the author of the Dambulla rock in­ scription, also mentioned in the graffiti on the Mirror Wall at Sigiriya, and whom the Culavamsa describes as the only king to gift Thulabhara.

Other than these kings, nine royal personages are identifi­ able. Some of them are officers who were present at the dona­ tions. The others come into the category of persons prohibited from entering the premises donated. Another group of seven persons is named as being connected to the state because of their occupations.

Many facts about the agricultural practices of the day can be gathered by sifting the information in these inscriptions. For example, two types of agriculture are discussed: wet rice cul­ tivation and shifting cultivation, referred to as chena today. Officers who were associated with wet rice cultivation are mentioned as Velbandi and Velkami. One of the Mapagala- Ramakale pillar inscriptions by Kasyapa IV refers to dolos sena (twelve chena). Not only paddy (Oryza sataiva) but Undu (Phaseolus nungo) was cultivated in the region at this time.

Twelve great tanks are mentioned in an inscription at Ra- makale. It could be that these tanks were situated within the ‘Sigiri Bim’ referred to in the Viyaulpota pillar inscription (EZ Vol.iv:176).

Two monasteries are named in several inscriptions: the Mahanapau Vehera, identified as Mahanagapabbata Vihara (ASCAR 1910-11) and the Saguna panhala of the Viyaulpota pillar inscription, as beneficiaries of largesse from Kasyapa IV.

Legislative enactments pertaining to the monasteries also appear in the edicts. They lay down rules for the day to day conduct of the clerics and the manner which the wealth and property of the institutions should be managed. One clear fact that emerges is the expansion and amassing of wealth by the monastic establishment during this period.

Post-fired graffiti

Some inscriptions that are definitely not commemoration ta­ blets or edicts, are found in association with the ruined stupas in the study area. They do not have a complete text, nor are they similar to the inscriptions so far discussed, as they are post-fired graffiti. About 200 of these have been collected from Dambulla, Manikdena and Kaludiyapokuna. As much importance had not been attached to these post-fired graffiti, there is no record of the sites from which they were originally collected. Officers in whose keeping these artefacts lie today, say that to the best of their knowledge they had been collected from within the domes of ruined stupas. Such bricks have also been collected from areas outside the study region.

It is remarkable that not a single complete brick with graf­ fiti has been found, so it is difficult to infer what purpose they must have served. The highest number of letters found so far on a single specimen is six. Although the letters vary in size, they are very clearly incised, in considerable depth. Pale- ographically, the script can be dated to the 7th and 8th cen­ turies AD.

Content-wise, the post-fired graffiti can be discussed under three headings. Those which -

1. have a script that belongs to the general evolutionary pattern

2. show only geometric symbols

3. contain both script and symbols

Because the finds from the first category do not have enough lettering, their content cannot be clearly determined. However, by connecting the few letters that are decipherable, the idea contained can be very loosely translated, as such words can be distinguished under two headings: those which are numerals expressed in words and parts of certain words. It is difficult to ascribe a reason for depositing within a stupa a brick which contains a reference to a numeral. According to Aryasingha (1983) by the 3rd century BC numerals were in use in inscriptions, so it is puzzling why numbers were spelt out in letters and the numerals not used in the 8th and 9th centuries. It would have been easier to inscribe numerical symbols rather than several letters on the brick, so it is of interest why the latter was resorted to rather than the simple numerical symbol.

The preliminary problem to be solved is whether these bricks were inscribed by the masons with some symbol relat­ ing to their construction work; or whether they were symbolic of the Buddha; or whether they were offerings by people to gain merit for themselves, for a better life in their next birth.

Those bricks which contained more than two letters were carefully examined and words such as vihara, vihira and oth­ ers of the combination of the sound vi/ha/ra were deciphered. The word vihatra was discernible on one fragment. On closer examination it seemed as though Sanskrit had been written in the Sinhala script, which was in a transitionary phase at that time. Ninety-one copper tablets inscribed in this same script, found at the Indikatusaya, at Mihintale, have been documented as having been excavated from within the relic chamber. Paranavitana (1931:199) has ascribed these inscriptions to st­ anzas from the Pamcavisati sahasrika pragna paramita, the well known Mahayana sutra. The term vihara occurs in tablets nos. 33, 36 and 62 of this collection.

The fragments of bricks from the present study area do not give sufficient data to determine to which literary tradition they belong. The only clue we can follow is that these bricks, like the tablets at the Indikatusaya, contain a stanza in Sanskrit written in the Sinhala script of that time. This is further rein­ forced by the statement in the Culavamsa which says that Sigiriya was presented to the Mahayana bikkus of the Ab- hayagiriya monastery, after Kasyapa’s death. So, if this region came under the Mahayana sect, it is inevitable that the in­ fluence of Mahayanism would have penetrated the monas­ teries within and in close proximity to its centre. We see that the fragments of Bodhisatva figures found scattered at various places, especially at Kaludiyapokuna and Manikdena, show Mahayanist iconography. An inscription from Kaludiyapo­ kuna refers to Mete budun, the Maitriya Bodhisatva. Since all these give evidence of the fact that Mahayanism flourished in this period, we can assume that these bricks may have been votive tablets inscribed in the manner of the Mahayanist find­ ings at Mihintale. This hypothesis needs further investigation and study before any final conclusions are arrived at about the significance and place these bricks held within the religious ceremonials attending the building of a Buddhist stupa.

The geometrical symbols that form the third type of bricks vary from simple straight lines to curves and angular forms. It is difficult to set up a theory on which to base a study of these symbols, as they do not give rise to any deductive inferences. A cursory overview of these symbols shows a close similarity to the Brahmi script of ten centuries previous. It is possible to think that these graffiti are only a deliberate attempt at copying the Brahmi symbols, with no knowledge of their symbolism or phonetic value. The crux of the problem is - what did the scribbler want to say? What was his message? The term ‘ma­ sons marks’ could well be applied to these, as is done in the case of isolated symbols of historic times. But this does not answer the riddle, for there are hundreds of symbols in a single location which differ one from the other, no two being alike. Yet another possibility is that they are votive tablets and that the markings held some significance for the devotee who in­ scribed it. This raises the question: did the inscribing of sym­ bols, or free etching on clay tablets, have a place in the rituals of religion at that time? If these marks were accepted symbols they would have been limited in number and repeated over and over again; but since this is not so, we ask - did random etching have a significant place in a ritual?

Protohistoric symbols

Several isolated graffiti symbols belonging to the megalithic period have been found here. Although many potsherds bear­ ing graffiti symbols have been found elsewhere (Seneviratne 1984:297) the first graffiti symbols carved on stone have occurred in this study area.

Many interpretations and theories regarding megalithic g- raffiti symbols found in South Asia have been put forward.

Paleography

Although it would seem, at first glance, that a study of the paleography of inscriptions found in a very small area, within an island of comparatively small extent, would be a waste of time and give no conclusions of importance, this study has been able to assess how far the literacy and technology of the capital centre was of influence at the periphery of the power zone. Several regional variations of script have been picked out and this opened new avenues for further study in the field. These variations are at best corruptions of the original script. The cause for this probably lies in the ignorance of the in­ scriber who would not have clearly understood the shape and form and phonetic value of each symbol. The texts clearly show editing and the inclusion of omitted letters is noticeable in some instances.

Summary

As referred to above, the distribution patterns of the inscrip­ tions show marked changes from period to period. These changes are notably in the fluctuation of density. It is incor­ rect to dismiss these fluctuations as a natural process for which no explanation can be given; because a comparative study of epigraphic dating with contemporaneous events and the peaks and depressions of the micro-socio-economics of each period is mirrored in these ostensive stone sentinels.

For example, fig. 13:5-13:8 show changes in the distribu­ tion of the inscriptions of 13 centuries - from the 3rd century BC to the 10th century AD. Two possible reasons for this are (1) the centralization of power; (2) the territoriality of the power centres.

All through the annals of Sri Lanka’s history there has been an interdependence between the secular and the eccle­ siastical powers. As Rahula says (Rahula 1956) "the king protected the Sangha and the Sangha protected the king." That this interdependence for the welfare of each tended to give greater power to the monasteries, is evident in the Anurad- hapura period. The protection and social welfare of the sub­ jects, economic production and its distribution, were the responsibility of the secular partner. The ordering of the worldly lives of the subjects, in terms of their future spiritual well-being and education were the concern of the monastery. This mutual division of responsibilities characterized the ethos of the system, where an interdependence, often of uneasy suspicion but surface friendship, prevailed.

On the basis of power thus generated by their partnership, the monasteries functioned not only at the urban political centres, but in far flung rural settlements too. A monastery was not necessarily the geographical centre of a settlement, but would remain outside the settlements, sometimes several miles away, and still serve as the religious centre for several settle­ ments.

Fig. 13:6 depicts the distribution and density of inscrip­ tions in the period between the 1st and 4th centuries AD. A comparison between fig. 13:5 and fig. 13:6 shows the dif­ ference of distribution patterns. These changes could have been the result of expanding cultivable land and proliferation of settlements.

New innovations in the socio-political sphere too, can be seen during this period. The rise of the Lambakama dynasty is a significant factor to which these changes can be traced. Historical and archaeological sources record the reigns of the Lambakama kings as being a period of intense agricultural production. It could be inferred that many large and small tanks must have been built in pursuance of this agricultural policy. Tanks are mentioned for the first time in the inscrip­ tions of this period.

These irrigation and agricultural activities brought in their train a new system of taxation. A feature of the time was the extension of power of the clerics, by being the indirect taxing agent when the rulers made the monasteries the direct ben­ eficiaries and collectors of taxes from the tanks presented to them. This meant a concrete manifestation of the power the monasteries wielded. It also shows a diversification and bre­ aking up of the till then traditional concept of the king being Vastusvamy, or the ruler, symbolically the undisputed ben­ evolent despot.

The aramaya now became the non-labouring source con­ sumer, whose main concern was developing production res­ ources through the settlements. With this development there came a spatial expansion of settlements, and the monasteries began to move out of the isolated hermitages in rock outcrops into more secular surroundings. At the same time the number of new monasteries also increased. The tanks and lands men­ tioned in the donatory inscriptions of the period may have been markers of the territorial limits of the monastery.

That there are no donatory inscriptions dating from the 5th to 7th centuries AD is remarkable. This could reflect a break­ ing down of the relationship between the state, the monasteries and the common people. One of the earliest events on record to bring about this instability may have been the strained relationship between Kasyapa and the Mahavihara, and later, the aligning of Moggallana with the Mahayana sect.

There was a resurgence of political administration during the 7th to 10th centuries AD. This marks the second phase ofthe rise of monastic power, which is reflected in the inscrip­ tions of the era. These inscriptions clarify the limits of the territories of the monasteries mentioned in them. One med­ ieval Buddhist record describing the erection of a pillar in­ scription, states the king caused a drum to be beaten at the aramaya, and a pillar was placed at the point where the drum­ beat was inaudible, and announced that the territory up to this point (from the aramaya) is owned by our temple".

In this research of the inscriptions of the region, an attempt has been made to study in depth as much of the content as possible and give as brief a summary as possible. Often ar­ chaeological interpretations and historical points of view have been applied to interpret and give context to the texts of the inscriptions and place them in their chronological location in the cultural development of the island. A very clear fact that presents itself is that the distribution and density of these in­ scriptions changed, qualitatively and quantitatively, from time to time.

A simplistic approach of trying to find a single reason for these changes will not give any satisfactory answer. The prob­ lem itself is complex and only a multi-dimensional approach will resolve it.

The shifting of centres of government and the stability and instability of the state have directly and indirectly affected the content, form and distribution of the inscriptions. The best illustration of this is the prolific number of inscriptions during the 1st century AD and the 3rd century AD, when the Lam­ bakama dynasty was at its zenith; and in the period from the 7th century AD to the end of the 10th century AD, when the Manavamma dynasty held sway. These are periods which historians identify as periods of prosperity and political sta­ bility. In contrast, history shows the 5th century /J) - 7th century AD as a period of economic decay and political in­ stability. Inscriptions are few during this period. In the post- 14th century a change in the distribution pattern is marked by a spread into the Wet Zone and the central highlands. This reflects the geographical shift of the centre of power. A third factor: (the economic system) the rise of the Gross National Product and the capacity of the state to absorb the variations of production and distribution by subsidizing, through the dis­ tribution of largesse from the bounty of state land and support­ ing agricultural production, is seen in the texts, which speak of the gifting of tanks and land. Thus the economic factor also plays a part not to be ignored.

The personality of the rulers, the forcefulness of their po­ wer, though not a compulsory element, played a very decisive role in the distribution pattern of these dumb, but very telling sentinels of time, which speak of the state and the elements that fashioned its form and character.1. Approximately a quarter of the study area is under thick forest. According to the villagers, a large num­ ber of ruins are present in these forests. It is possible that inscriptions can be found among them.

2. Codrington, in his article (1930) on the editing of several inscriptions belonging to the 12th century AD in the Southern Province, states that these must have been located along an ancient roadway. Sim­ ilarly Paranavitana (ed. 1963:16) states that an in­ scription found at Soraboravava, in the Uva Province had been placed at a market site. Thapar (ed.)1990:l- 5 discussing the Mauryan inscriptions of India, states that they were located at points where people often met or frequently passed.

3. By concentration is meant the occurrence of at least three or more inscriptions belonging to a single period, eg: Dambulla, Pidurangala and Sigiriya. Ex­ amples of isolation are Magallena, Viyaulpota and Habarana.

4. Earlier classifications have been based on language and paleography. For the purpose of this article, cl­ assification is on the basis of a deeper paleographical study.

5. Minor changes in the form and shape of characters are seen in the inscriptions of the 3rd century BC - 1st century AD. These cannot be accepted as a major development of the script, but rather as accidents, due to ignorance of the phonetic values of each char­ acter, or unskilled workmanship.

6. There are marked changes in the character of the script from the 1st century AD to the first half of the 5th century AD. Often these changes have brought about a similarity to the script of the Brahmi inscrip­ tions of South India.

7. Personal communication with Mats Mogren.

8. Vira Parakrama Narendrasimha (1707 AD) is one of the last of the royal line that ruled the Kandyan King­ dom (Abayasinghe, Dewaraga and Somaratne 197- 7:65).

9. Several kings of the Early Historic period have used the title Gamini Abhaya, so it is difficult to deter­ mine which particular king is referred to here. The only evidence by which we recognize an individual mentioned is by a date, or genealogical fact noted in an inscription.

W.Prachina has several meanings in Sanskrit, "the ea­ st", "ancient", are the most common. If this meaningis accepted, pachina raja could be "the king from the east", or an "ancient king". Paranavitana (1970 ) has pointed out that the former translation is inapt.

11. Paranavitana shows that the genealogy of the dasabe rajun (the ten brother kings) mentioned in the Ma­ havamsa, is established by the inscriptions. Several inscriptions on this subject have been found in the south and south-west of the island (see. Motteyakallu cave inscription, ASCAR 1950:28pp).

12. The term maharaja has been used in inscriptions to convey an explicit meaning. It signifies the consec­ rated authority in the kingdom. This term is used only for the legitimate head of the state. A yuvaraja (sub-king) or a regional lord was never referred to by this term. Therefore this differs from the maharaja concept of the Indian sub-continent.

13. The literary meaning of pramukha (Skt.) is ‘forem­ ost’. The Tamil equivalent is parumukan.

AA.Bhojaka (Skt.) means ‘consumer, the one who enjoys the benefits, the collector of taxes, the administrative head of a region’.

15. The Mahavamsa tika describes sotthisala as preach­ ing halls used by Brahmins. The Mahavamsa refers to a Brahmin called Pandula as Pandukabhaya’s tea­ cher. The Oruvala sannasa (15th century) mentions several Brahmins. (EZ Vol.iii:51).

16. The personal names mentioned in the inscriptions show that belief in astrology was common at this time. Names such as Tissagupta mean ‘protected by the Tissa nakata'. A nakata is an astrologically aus­ picious time. Pussadeva means a personalization of the Pussa nakata. This practice of incorporating astr­ ological terms into personal names shows that astrol­ ogy held an important place in people’s lives and beliefs.

17. According to the Buddhist Vmaya, a novice had to live under the guidance of his teacher (acharya) and preceptor/mentor (upadyaya). Other novices are cal­ led Saddhiviharika.

18. According to the Mahavamsa, a written text of the oral tradition of the Buddhist canon was compiled during the reign of King Valagamba (89-77 BC). The bikkus who carried on the oral tradition are ref­ erred to as bhanaka. In the vedic tradition uchcha- rana (pronunciation), and smaranaya (memorising) were the methods of learning.19. The Buddhist canon comprises two sections: the Vinaya pitakaya and Sutra pitakaya. The Sutra pitaka contains the doctrinal teachings and the Vin­ aya pitaka the disciplinary rules for the sangha (pr­ iesthood). Later, the Abhidharma pitaka was compiled. The Sutra pitaka is sub-divided into the Diga nikaya, Majjima nikaya, Anguttara nikaya, and Kuddaka nikaya. Those bikkus who carried on the oral tradition of the Majjima nikaya were called the Majjima bhanaka school.

20. The use of an auspicious word at the beginning of an inscription came into practice in the beginning of the 1st century A.D. Siddam and Svasti (Skt.) meaning ‘May you be blessed’ were the most common words used. Often only Si was used as an abbreviation.

21. Senevitissa in the Beliyakanda slab inscription is one such individual.

22. According to the Mahavamsa, the period from Va- saba to Kitsiri Mevan belonged to the Lambakarna dynasty. This was the second dynasty to rule Sri Lanka.

23. Several historians have shown that by the 3rd cen­ tury BC political power had been decentralized. The terms parumaka, gamika, pachina raja, dasa bat- hikana, etc. that occur in the Early Bhrami inscrip­ tions refer to individuals who administered the decentralized power centres.

24. Prapti and bhaga (Skt.) connote ‘a share’. Generaly this term in Sri Lanka’s inscriptions refers to ‘taxes’.

25. Gunawardana (1979) has shown the tendancy to secularization of the monasteries in the post-1st cen­ tury BC.

26. In the inscriptions of the 1st century AD to the 3rd century AD the monasteries are usually referred to as pabbata vihara. This is the Pali derivation from par- vata vihara (Skt.). This literally means a ‘vihara in the rock’. The Mahaparanirvana sutra refers to a place situated in a rock outcrop close to Rajagaha city, in India, as pabbata vihara. According to Bas- nayake (1983) g/r/ vihara also refers to the pabbata vihara. Bandaranayake (1974) has put forward ano­ ther definition of the pabbata vihara.

Tl. Between the fall of Kasyapa and the consecration of Manavamma as king, a period of political instability prevailed.

28. During the past three decades there has been much controversy among scholars over the meaning of the

28. During the past three decades there has been much controversy among scholars over the meaning of the word vaharala. The most acceptable so far has been put forward by Paranavitana (1955).

29. The naming of the text and its layout were important considerations in shaping and preparing the stone for engraving. For example, see Ranava pillar inscrip­ tion.

30. The term punkalasa is a derivation from (Skt) pur- naghata. It means a filled pot. It is possible to in- tepret it as a pot filled with water, milk or grain. Today, a coconut (Cocus nulifera) flower placed in a new clay pot signifies the punkalasa. A 15 century poem describes a punkalasa as being a symbol of prosperity.

" sadava sudu vali pivituru bandava ran dada visituru situva dora dora rambaturu tabava pun kumbu visituru "

"(the city is decorated) strewn with clean white sand (roadways), hung are beautiful gold flags, banana trees planted at every doorway and placed are or­ namental pots to bring prosperity”, (punkumbu - pu­ nkalas) (Vagiranyana (ed. )1947:77)

31. The term attani occurs only in inscriptions after the 8th century. That is a derivation from (Skt) asthana which means the "Royal Court" (Wickramesinghe 1904:161, note 8).

32. The lunar calendar has been followed for dating the­ se inscriptions. Days are given with reference to the waxing or waning moon.

33. The inscriptions give evidence that several royal of­ ficers were present when a donation was made. The officers named as having .been present are Maykap- par - bodyguard (to the king) Mahale - chief secr­ etary, Kudasala - an officer of the treasury.

34. It is clear that after the 3rd century BC, kings used titular names to refer to themselves. This custom was strongly adhered to in the period between the 8th and 10th centuries AD. At this time the kings used two alternate titles, namely Sirisangabo (Skt) Sri San-ghabodhi and Abasalamevan (Skt) Abhaya Shilameghavarna. Some even used both titles, at one and the same time.

35. The pillar inscriptions of the 8th century AD to 10th century AD have named several royal officials (Ra- nawella 1984:56).

36. In the post-1st century AD period in Sri Lanka, a new architectural feature, called the padhanaghara,was introduced. It was planned to be used by the meditating monks (Bandaranayake 1974).

37. The modern connotation of pirivena is an education­ al institute for Buddhist monks. But originally it ref­ erred to a place occupied by more than one monk.

38. The Sun and Moon are two important symbolic mot­ ifs in Lankan art. They usually symbolize perpetuity. The kings of Sri Lanka often attempted to claim de­ scent from the Sun and Moon. (Surya vamsodbutha or Chandra vamsodbutha).

39. According to popular Buddhist belief, people who lead immoral lives are born into the preta world. It is a state in which the spirit lives in perpetual hunger and misery.

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Bandaranayake, S. 1984 (ed.). Unesco Sri Lanka Project of the Cultural Triangle, Sigiriya Project. First Archaeo­ logical Excavation and Research Report (January - Sep­ tember 1982). Colombo: Ministry of Cultural Affairs.

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Appendix: A catalogue of inscriptions

Inscription (S-l) Cave no:l

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no:872

SER. pg 201.no: 1

ArD.Re,no: 1593

Sigiriya Cave Inscription (S-2) Cave no: B 12

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no:868

SER.pg 201.no:2

ArD.Re,no: 1585

ASCAR. 1911-12,pg 106 Sigiriya Cave Inscription (S-3)

Cave no: B6

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no:867

SER.pg 202.no:3

ArD.Re, no: 1587

ASCAR. 1911-12. pg 106 Sigiriya Cave Inscription (S-4)

Cave no: B9

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no:869

SER.pg.no:202.no:4

ArD.Re,no: 1589

ASCAR. 1911-12 pg 106-7 Sigiriya Cave Inscription (S-5)

Cave no: B20

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no:870

SER.pg.no:202,no:5

Ard.Re,no: 1591 ASCAR. 1911-12 pg 106-7

Sigiriya Cave Inscription (S-6) Cave no: B21

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no:871

SER.pg202.no: 6

ArD.Re,no:R 1592

ASCAR. 1911-12 pg 106-7 Pidurangala Cave Inscription (P-1)

Pidurangala monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

SER. pg207. no: 15

Pidurangala Cave Inscription (P-2) Pidurangala monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC. no:873

CJSG. Vol.2 pg 753.no: 753 SER. pg208. no: 16

ArD. Re.no: R753

Pidurangala Cave Inscription (P-3) Pidurangala monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no:874

SER.pg208.no: 18

Enderagala Cave Inscription (E-l) Enderagala cave complex

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no: 862

ArD.Re. no: R 2425

Enderagala Cave Inscription (E-2) Enderagala cave complex

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC. no:861

ASCAR. 1911-12 pg 122

ArD.Re.no: R 2425

Enderagala Cave Inscription (E-3) Enderagala cave complex

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC.no:863

SER. pg 210. no:24 ArD.Re. no:2425

Enderagala Cave Inscription (E-4) Enderagala cave complex

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD Cave donation

IC. 864

SER.pg.210.no:25

Enderagala Cave Inscription (E-5) Enderagala cave complex

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD A cave donation

IC. no:865

SER. pg 210. no:26

ArD. Re.no:R 2429

Vavala Cave Inscription (V-l) Vavala ancient monastery 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD A cave donation

SER. pg 210. no:28

Vavala Cave Inscription (V-2) Vavala ancient monastery 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD A cave donation

SER. pg 211.no:29

Kaludiyapokuna Cave Inscription (K-l) Kaludiyapokuna archaeological site

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation

SER. pg 211. no:30

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-l)

Cave no.3, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC.no:3

DER. pg 90, no:l

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-2)

Cave no: 25, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC.no:836 DER.pg 90,no:2

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-3)

Cave no:7, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC.no:837 DER.pg 91, no:3

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-4)

Cave no: 58, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC. no:838 DER.pg 91,no.4

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-5)

Cave no: 24, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC. no: 839 DER.pg 91.no:5

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-6)

Cave no; 10, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

May be a cave donation IC. no:840

DER.pg 91. no:6

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-7)

Cave no: 31, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC no: 843 DER.pg 92. no:9

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-8)

Cave no: 21, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation

IC no:844

DER. pg 92. no: 10

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-9)

Cave no: 1, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation

IC no: 845

DER. pg 93. no: 11

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-10)

Cave no:6, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation

IC. no: 846

DER. pg 93. no:12

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-ll)

Cave no:20 Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC.no: 847

DER. pg 93.no: 13

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-12)

Cave no: 19. Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC. no:848

DER.pg 94. no: 14

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-13)

Cave no: 26. Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation

IC. no: 849

DER. pg 94. no: 15

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-14)

Cave no: 26, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: BC

A cave donation

IC. no:850

DER. pg 94. no: 16

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-15)

Cave no: 15, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC- 1st Cent: BC

A cave donation

IC. no:851

DER. pg 94. no: 17

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-16)

Cave no: 22, Dambulla monastery complex

1st Cent: BC

A cave donation IC. no:852

DER. pg 95.no: 18

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-17)

Cave no:23, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC. no:853

DER. pg 94 no: 19

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-18)

Cave no: 56, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC. no:854

DER. pg 94 no: 20

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-19)

Cave no:74, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

A cave donation IC. no:855

DER. pg 95 no: 21

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-20) Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC- 1st Cent: BC

A cave donation IC. no: 856

DER. pg 96 no: 22

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-21)

Cave no: 74, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: BC

A cave donation IC. no:857

DER. pg 96. no:23

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-22) Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: BC May be a cave donation

IC. no: 859 DER. pg 96. no:24

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-23)

Cave no: 12, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: BC

May be a cave donation

DER. pg 96. no:25

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-24)

Cave no:4, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: BC

May be a cave donation

DER. pg. 96 no: 26

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-25)

Cave no: 58a, Dambulla monastery complex 3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: BC

A cave donation

DER. pg 97. no:27

Magallena Cave Inscription (M-l)

Magallena Viharaya, Digampataha

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: AD

May be a cave donation

IC. no: 866

SER. pg 216. no: 40

Potana Cave Inscription (P-1)

Potanegama cave site, Kimbissa

3rd Cent: BC - 1st Cent: BC

A cave donation

EN. no: 13

ArD. Re. no: R 2895

SER. pg 216. no:38

Dambulla Rock Inscription (D-26) Upper terrace, bedrock on the West side 1st Cent: BC - 2nd Cent: AD

Most part of text is illegible DER. pg 97 no: 28

Dambulla Rock Inscription (D-27) Bedrock, south of the Dambulla rock 1st Cent: AD - 3rd Cent: AD

Most part of text is illegible DER. pg. 97. no: 29

Dambulla Rock Inscription (D-28) Bed rock, front of the main caves 2nd Cent: AD - 3rd Cent: AD Most part of text is illegible DER. pg 97. no: 30

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-29)

A cave situated south-west of the Dambulla rock 1st Cent: AD - 2nd Cent: AD

A record of the construction work of stone steps DER. pg 98. no:31

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-30)

A cave situated south-west of the Dambulla rock 1st Cent: AD - 2nd Cent: AD

A record of the construction work of stone steps DER. pg 98. no: 32

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-31)

Roof of the cave no:l

May be some kind of donation

18th Cent: AD

DER. pg 99. no: 33

Dambulla Rock Inscription (D-32)

Upper terrace, Dambulla monastery complex 1st Cent: BC

Record of construction work of stone steps. IC.vol 11, no:4

AC.pg 98-99

ArD. Re.no: 1166

Sigiriya Cave Inscription (S-7) Cave no: BIO

1st Cent: AD - 2nd Cent: AD May be a cave donation ASCAR. 1911-12 pg 106-7 SER.pg202. no:7

Sigiriya Cave Inscription (S-8) Cave no: B16

1st Cent: AD - 2nd Cent: AD

Cave donation

IC.no: 1186

SER. pg 203. no:8

ASCAR. 1911-12. pg 107

Pidurangala Cave Inscription (P-4) Pidurangala monastery complex

1st Cent: AD - 2nd Cent: AD

A cave donation

SER. pg 203.no: 19

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-33)

Cave no: 27, Dambulla monastery complex 1st Cent: AD - 2nd Cent: AD

A cave donation IC. no:841 DER.pg.92.no:7

Dambulla Cave Inscription (D-34) Cave no:9, Dambulla monastery complex 1st Cent: AD- 2nd Cent: AD

A cave donation

IC.no: 842

DER. pg 92. no:8

Nirauva Rock Inscription (N-l) lkm west of Ibbankatuva cemetery 1st Cent: AD

A donation made for 2 Buddhist monasteries SASDR. pg 195

Tolombugolla Slab Inscription (T-l)

Tolombugolla, 3km south of the Ibbankatuva cemetery 1st Cent: AD - 2nd Cent: AD

May be a record of the construction of stupa Not previously published

Beliyakanda Rock Inscription (B-l) Beliyakanda, 2 km south from the Ibbankatuva cemetery

1st Cent: AD

A donation made for Buddhist monastery called Giritissapabbata Vihara

SASDR. pg 196

Kaluarachchigama Rock Inscription (Ka-1) Kaluarachchigama, lkm from west of Talakiriyagama 1st Cent: AD

A donation for above monastery SASDR. pg 196

Enderagala Cave Inscription (E-6) Enderagala cave complex

1st Cent: AD - 2nd Cent: AD A cave donation

IC. no: 1185

SER. pg 210. no:27

Vavala Rock Inscription (V-3) Vavala ancient monastery

3rd Cent: AD

Not previously published Sigiriya Rock Inscription (S-9)

South of Water Gardens 5th Cent: AD - 7th Cent: AD Most part of text is illegible SER. pg 203. no:9

Pidurangala Rock Inscription (P-5) Pidurangala upper terrace

5th Cent: AD - 7th Cent: AD

A record of the donation made for the monastery EN. pg 2

ArD. Re. no: R 759 SER. pg 208. no: 20

Kaludiyapokuna Slab Inscription (K-2) Kaludiyapokuna monastery complex (K-3) 5th Cent: AD - 7th Cent: AD

Record of the freeing of monastery slaves SER. pg 212. no:32

Kaludiyapokuna Guardstone Inscription (K-4) Kaludiyapokuna monastery complex

5th Cent: AD - 7th Cent: AD

Record of the freeing of monastery slaves SER.pg 213. no: 33

Kaludiyapokuna Slab Inscription (K-5) Kaludiyapokuna monastery complex

5th Cent: AD - 7th Cent: AD

Record of the freeing of monastery slaves SER. pg 213. no:34

Kaludiyapokuna Stone Steps Inscription (K-6) Kaludiyapokuna monastery complex, flight of steps at the southern vahalkada

5th Cent: AD - 7th Cent: AD SER. pg 213.no: 35

Kaludiyapokuna Slab Inscription (K-7) Kaludiyapokuna monastery complex 5th Cent: AD - 7th Cent: AD

ArD Re.no: R431

SER. pg 213. no:36 Pidurangala Slab Inscription (P-6)

Pidurangala monastery complex 5th Cent: AD - 7th Cent: AD

A record of the freeing of monastery slaves Not previously published

Mapagala Pillar Inscription (Mp-1) Mapagala-Ramakele Area

898 AD - 914 AD

A record of the grant issued by the King Kasyapa IV ASCAR 1911-12

EZ. Vol: V pg 345-355

ArD. Re. no: R 2698

SER. pg 203. no: 10

Mapagala Pillar Inscription (Mp-2) Mapagala-Ramakele area

898 AD - 914 AD

A record of the grant issued by the King Kasyapa IV ArD. Re. no: R1599

SER. pg 204-205. no: 11 Mapagala Pillar Inscription (Mp-3)

Mapagala- Ramakale area

898 AD-914 AD

A record of the grant issued by the King Kasyapa IV ArD. Re. no: 2698

SER. pg 206.no: 12

Sigiriya Pillar Inscription (S-10) Location not known

9th - 10th Cent: AD

May be record of a grant

ArD.Re.no:R2696

SER.pg 206. no: 13

Polattava Pillar Inscription (Po-1) Between Polattava and Mapagala 10th Cent: AD

May be a royal enactment

ArD. Re. no: R429

SER. pg 207. no: 14 Pidurangala Pillar Inscription (P-7)

Pidurangala monastery complex 924-935 AD

A record of the grant issued by the King Dappula IV ArD. Re. no: R760

SER. pg 209. no:21

Kaludiyapokuna Wall Inscription (K-8) Kaludiyapokuna monastery complex

898 - 914 AD

A record of the grant issued by the King Kasyapa IV EZ. Vol.III, pg 253-260

ArD.Re. no: R429 SER. pg 211. no: 31

Kaludiyapokuna Slab Inscription (K-9) Kaludiyapokuna monastery complex 938 - 946 AD

A royal enactmentEZ Vol. Ill pg: 260-269

ArD.Re.no: R 430

SER. pg 214.no:37

Kimbissa Pillar Inscription (Ki-1) Exact location not known

853 - 887 AD

A record of the grant issued by the King Sena II ArD. Re. no: R 2894

SER. pg 216 no: 39

Peyikulama Pillar Inscription Peyikulama, south-east of the Sigiriya rock 887- 898 AD

A record of the grant issued by the King Udaya II ASCAR 1956 pg 12. no: 27

Ard. Re. no R2352

SER. pg 217. no: 41

Viyaulpota Pillar Inscription Viyaulpota, west of the Sigiriya rock 853-887 AD

A record of the grant issued by the King Sena II EZ. Vol:IV pg 176-180

SER. pg 217. no: 42

Dambulla Fragmentary Pillar Inscription Dambulla Somavati Dagaba premises 9th - 10th Cent: AD

May be record of a grant

Not previously published

Taranavava Fragmentary Pillar Inscription Taranavava.

ASCAR - Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Annual

Report.

AC - Ancient Ceylon.

ArD — Archaeological Department Inscription

Register.

CJSG - Ceylon Journal of Science. Section G. Cu - Culavamsa.

DER - Dambulla Project: First Archaeological Ex­ cavation Report.

EN Epigraphical Notes. EZ - Epigraphia Zeylanica.

IC - Inscriptions of Ceylon. Vol.l.

Mv - Mahavamsa.

SASDRSettlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya- Dambulla Region.

SER - Sigiriya Project: First Archaeological Ex

cavation and Research Report.