The System of Land and Domestic Measurement Used in Nagalavava

PRISHANTHA GUNAWARDANE

Figure 19.1 A Laha used for measuring dry grains. Nagalavava Village. Photo: Prishantha Gunawardane.

The system of measurement prevailing in and around the remote village of Nagalavava can be traced back to earlier times. While the system of measuring grain and medicines is common to other purana settlements and used even in mo­ dernised urban areas, the system of apportioning land, as practised, seems peculiar to Nagalavava and its environs.

Units of measuring grain

The pata, hunduva, naliya, seruva, laha, pala, amuna and kiriya are old units of grain measure still in use today. Of these the pata, hunduva, naliya and seruva are common do­ mestic measurements. The laha, pala, amuna and kiriya are used for wholesale transactions and measuring grain or bata (as it is referred to) on the threshing floor.

The pata

This is the amount of grain that can be held in the open palm. This very convenient measure is the basic unit of measure­ ment and used in day to day domestic situations. The villagers have no system of compensating for the varying proportions of the human hand. On verification, a pata varied between 95-100mgs. Knox writing about the measuring scales used in the Kandyan kingdom, states that the pata was the smallest measurement. Four pata equalled one bandara naliya (Knox 1984: 255).

The hunduva

In practice the hunduva was equivalent to three pata. Al­ though there exists a traditional vessel of accepted measure­ ment called a hunduva, none of the homes in Nagalavava possessed one. The probable reason being that it is simpler to measure the three pata, (palmfuls) than to obtain a hunduva measure. On weighing the three pata it was found to be between 230-250mgs. An improvised hunduva measuring vessel was obtained, and its contents weighed too. This was approximately 325mgs. So there is a difference of 75 to 85mgs between the two measurements.

The traditional hunduva was made of cane or wood (see technology below). Today, in some homes, a tin 6cm high with a base 6cm in diameter is improvised for a hunduva. In the Kandyan period, according to notes by Davy, the hunduva was the basic unit. It had been used to measure dry grains and liquids (Davy 1983 (1821): 181).

The naliya (2 hundu = 1 naliya)

This is a traditional measurement in use in the villages of Sri Lanka, but Nagalavava seems an exception, as this device is not in current use here. But traditionally, according to the informants, a naliya was equal to 2 hundu. On weighing 2 hundu of rice using the customary practical measure of 2 pata per hundu, it was found to weigh 650mg.

The seruva (1 seruva = 2 naliya)

Although the people spoke of a seruva measuring utensil having been used in times past, no such utensil is in use today. According to our informants, a seruva equalled 2 nali. If 2 hundu equalled 1 naliya and 2 naliya equalled a seruva, then a seruva equals 4 hundu. But in practice only 3 1/2 hundu were measured out per seruva. No explanation was given as to why this was so.

The laha

This is the next unit of measurement for dry grain. As the agro-economic base of the village widened, methods had to be devised for measuring out larger quantities of grain, to facilitate day to day trade, barter or taxation. For this purpose the laha was used.

Under the now dead feudal system, the vel vidane was the officer responsible for collecting the revenue on the harvest. He appointed the day on which harvesting was to be done. So all the fields in the area were harvested simultaneously. This ensured that the vel vidane could collect his dues before the farmer disposed of his crop. Harvesting and threshing were done under the eagle-eyed supervision of the vel vidane, or his representative. Each farmer was taxed one half of his harvest. This traditional feudal transaction was called thalaris by the villagers.

This portion was measured out with the laha. According to Codrington, in the Kandyan period each household had to pay

5 pala of paddy as a tax. In addition, a tax called the marala badda (death tax) was also levied. A duty of 5 pala had to be paid if a person had died 30 years prior to the institution of this tax. If the death had occurred five years previously, the tax was 4 pala; if four years, 3 pala was the due to be paid. If the person had died 2 years or 1 year before, the tax was 2 pala or 1 pala respectively. If less than one year had elapsed since the date of death, the tax was 5 seru only. These taxes were abolished by Kirti Sri Rajasinghe (Codrington 1938: 4-6).

There was a belief that once measuring of bata (grain) was begun on the kamata (threshing floor) it had to continue until the entire stock of paddy was measured. This rule had to be meticulously followed to ensure an increase in the harvest, otherwise it was feared the grain would decrease in quantity (Wijesekara 1988: 48).

The laha and the busal

A laha equalled six seru (singular: seruva). Today the laha measure is seldom used. The larger (busal) is used in its stead. The villagers equate five laha to one busal. When checked, it was found that 1 busal equalled 5 1/2 laha. This means a difference of 1/2 laha, or 3 seru, between the two measurements. Wijesekera observes that villagers had me­ asured the paddy on the threshing floor with a laha or a kurini (Wijesekara 1988: 134-135).

Davy notes that there were two sizes of laha, one small and the other big. The big laha was the largest dry measure in actual use. This is both a grain measure and a land measure. Ten laha equal one pala. (Davy 1983 (1821): 181).

Table of measurements referred to by Knox (Knox 19- 84:255-256)

According to Davy, the then current system of measure­ ment was as follows (Davy 1983 (1821): 181)

The current table of measurement in use:

Techniques of making utensils for measuring grain

Every household in the study area did not have in its posses­ sion a set of measuring devices. Lending or borrowing a seruva or laha was a common practice. So it was not surpris­ ing that we were able to find only one laha in the whole of Nagalavava. This points to the affinity and mutual co-exist- ence that prevails in the village. We were also told that should anyone feel he was not welcome to use another’s measuring device he would turn one out for his own use. As the techni­ que of creating these measuring devices was common knowledge, it did not call for any specialist’s help. To make these measuring utensils, the rural folk used kirival wood (Apocynaceae), cane (Palmae), jak wood (Moraceae), mar- gosa wood (Meliaceae), cow dung and resin from the seeds of the timbiri tree (Ebenaceae).

The traditional hunduva was cylindrical in shape, 6-7cm in height and approximately 20cm in circumference. The base was about 6cm in diameter, 3cm thick and usually made of jak, mango (Anacardiaceae) or kolon (Erioculan) wood. Per­ forations were made very close to one another, along the edge of the base. Pieces of cane, or kirival, were fixed into the perforations as uprights. Next, strips of cane, or kirival, were passed between the uprights and interwoven closely to a height of about four finger widths. Three pata (palmfuls) of rice or other grain was poured into the vessel and its capacity check­ ed. The grain was levelled and the height marked on the uprights. The weaving was finished off at this point. The rim was reinforced with an extra overcasting of cane to prevent wasting away or damage during use.

A paste of the resin from crushed timbiri seeds and paddy bran (hal kudu) was applied to caulk up the crevices in the weave. To repair any damage to a hunduva in use, a paste of cowdung was applied. The cowdung acts as an insecticide too. Its disinfectant qualities were known to the people of past times. This was the basic technique applied in making all dry grain measuring utensils. Only the measurements of height and base differed according to capacity. According to Davy’s notes, both kinds were employed only in measuring grain and oil. For grain, the measure was made of rattan, for oil, of bamboo (Davy 1983 (1821): 181).

The laha was a much larger vessel than the hunduva. Here the same technology (as for the smaller vessels) was followed, but the shape was changed. As a larger quantity of grain was poured into the vessel, the weight too increased, so to facilitate easy lifting and manipulation the vessel was wider at the mouth than at the circular base.

The system of land measurements

In a totally agriculture based society, it is not surprising to find the same linguistic term that stands for a measurement of produce being used to denote an extent of sowing land. So, the terms laha and pala referred to above as measures of grain, also connote that area of land over which a laha or pala of grain could be sown. The extent was calculated as the area over which a particular measure of bittara vi (seed paddy) could be sown. A pala was equivalent to the land extent over which 10 laha of paddy could be sown. This area brought under the plough would be approximately an half acre. An amuna was equal to 40 laha. Thus, an atnuna of land should be about 2 or 2 1/2 acres (Ariyapala 1964: 164; levers 1899: 175-176). But villagers calculated this extent to be only 1 3/4 acres.

A kiriya equalled 160 laha. The extent of a kiriya would then be 8 acres. When surveyed, this area was in fact about 8 3/4 acres in extent. Thus, there were discrepancies between the actual area of land and the proximate area calculated by the villagers.

Apportioning land

Generally in the sharing and dividing of cultivable land among the villagers, a sense of brotherhood and amity seemed to prevail. This could arise mainly from the mutual interdependence of chena cultivators. The first step in open­ ing land for cultivation was for a group to scour the area for suitable land. The extent of land chosen was divided equally among them. Each holding was identified as a catta.

The Mahavamsa and Rasavahini inform us of six brothers of Gotaimbara who went to the forest to cut down the trees, to lay out a bean field (Mav. 1959: 28-51) (Rsv.II 1889: 87). According to Davy’s notes "the king possessed the whole chena land. No one was allowed to cultivate without the king’s permission" (Davy 1983 (1821): 21-26). If anyone wished to offer his land to a monastery he should first gain permission from the king (Codrington 1938: 4-6). The villagers had the privilege of cutting grass, fishing and hunting in the land (Peiris 1964: 254).

Cultivators were attached to the large estates belonging to royalty, the nobility and the religious institutions. There were, as in later times, people who cultivated their small (plots of land held in the divel or paraveni tenures (Bandaranayake 1990: 33). levers records in the late 19th century that the whole area around Sigiriya rock was chena land (levers 1899: 187-189). But Codrington says that in the Kandyan period, in almost every province, there were forbidden forests (tahanchi kale) in which no chena could be cut (Codrington 1938: 5).

Two methods of dividing land were adopted: the mulk- ataye hena and irivali hena. Which was to be used was dec­ ided once the land was located.

The mulkataye hena

According to this system of division, once the plot of land is selected, a peg three spans in length is planted at a point.Radiating from it are stakes planted at two-yard intervals. If there are ten claimants, ten stakes are driven into the ground. Then ropes or jungle creepers tied to the centre peg are led along the line of the stakes. These lines of demarcation are called catta. A stick fence, four spans high, separates one plot from the other. The plots are almost triangular in shape, being widest at the edge farthest from the centre. This outer bound­ ary borders the jungle and a stout fence of tree trunks is put up to prevent damage to the crops from wild animals. The whole collective cultivation area opened up in this manner is in the form of a circle, bound by the forest. The catta fence is kept low, so all the plots are visible from any one of the watch huts that are built on trees. There is unstinted cooperation among the owner- cultivators.

A system of watch-keeping and guard duty evolved, one or two people taking turns to overlook the entire cultivation area. Guarding the chena was a collective responsibility. According to Codrington, mulkataye land could be sold only among the villagers. The mulkata hena, which belonged solely to the king, was located very close to the settlements. Gingelly and mum were the common crops cultivated on these lands (El- lawala 1969: 131; Parker 1984 (1909): 57).

The irivali method

Here the strips were rectangular in shape and equal in extent. In the Kandyan period, villagers obtained 40% of their in­ come by chena land cultivation (Peiris 1964: 80).

The system of liquid measures

For liquids like coconut oil, kerosene oil and medicinal brews, a system of liquid measure was followed. The stand­ ard measure was the hunduva. This was smaller in capacity than the hunduva used to measure grain. Yet smaller quan­ tities were portioned out by hundu bage (half of a hundu) and the hundu kala (quarter of a hundu).

A bivalve mollusc shell (retrieved from the bed of a water course) that could hold approximately two teaspoonfuls of liquid, was used to dispense medicine (Kirtisinghe 1978: 134; Parker 1984 (1909): 57). Two shells were kept for this pur­ pose, called a Ravana katta. The accepted dosage was two shellfuls for adults and one drop for an infant. This practice was followed until the recent introduction of spoon measures. In preparing a kasaya, or medicinal brew, the usual method was to add eight parts of water to the prescribed herbs and boil it till the liquid reduced to one part of the original quantity. The concentration of the decoction was always given in the terms of proportionate measure: for example, 8:1 would mean eight parts of water boiled down to one.

Utensils for measuring liquids

Our informants told us that long ago the people of the study area had used utensils for the purpose of measuring liquids, applying the same techniques as for making dry grain measuring devices. Such articles could not be traced at Nagalavava. Instead of these traditional utensils, tin measur­ ing cups are in use. They are of the following proportions:

The system of weights

The villagers say they are unaware of a traditional system for weighing bulk goods. For bulk quantities they apply the modern system of pounds and ounces and recently, the metric system. But a traditional system of measuring medicines ex­ isted and is still in use today. These quantities are very small and a pair of small scales (not unlike the apothecary’s scales) is used.

The weights are:

In the Kandyan period, goldsmiths, silversmiths and those who practised the indigenous system of medicine used a bronze coin for a kalanda, as well as 24 red madid seeds, weighing from 3 to 3.9 grains (Davy 1983 (1821): 180-181).

The system of measuring distance and lengths

The villagers do not have a precise measurement for distan­ ces. They speak vaguely of a ‘hu kiyana dura \ relying on the distance to which the human voice can be carried. Miles and kilometers have little or no value to them in their day to day village living. But based on the distance that a full-throated hoot can be heard, they follow a set and accepted measure­ ment of distance. This is not surprising, as there are no strictly demarcated roads between chena fields and settlements. As Davy has recorded "the smallest measure in common use is the whoo." (Davy 1983 (1821): 181). He says a two-w/ioo distance is called an attakme, which must mean a hatakme, or one mile. This measurement is not in use in the present study area. The next unit of distance is the gauva, which at a rough estimate is up to four miles. Four gauva, or 16 miles, equals one yoduna. Davy mentions that five gauva equals the dis­ tance a man can journey in a day (Davy 1983 (1821): 181).

It is not surprising that in this agriculture-oriented culture, the length of a paddy seed, or vi ate, should have been taken as a measurement of length. Davy also records the use of minute units of measurement. He says "their smallest measure is the seventh part of a veeta1 (a grain of paddy)" (Davy 1983 (18- 21): 181). The table of linear measurement accordingly was as follows:

He explains that a doona is a Sinhalese bow 9ft. long. There is a discrepancy in calculations, probably due to the fact that all these were not precise measures. Commenting on the angula, Rhys Davids (Rhys Davids 1877: 15) says he could not find the angula in actual use.

According to our information, these are traditional devices for measuring lengths in use. The length between a man’s outspread arms (approximately 5-6ft.) was called a bambaya. If lengths had to be measured, a stick or rope the length of such a bambaya was cut off and used. The bandara bambaya had been used in the Kandyan period: the height to which a man could reach above his head with his hand was equivalent to 9ft. and 500 bandara bamba made a mile. In Nagalavava, the study area, they used voice distance and all other lengths were called units of bamba, e.g. bamba dahaya (10 bamba ap­ proximately 60ft.), bamba siya (100 bamba approximately 600 ft.).

At Nagalavava, as elsewhere in the island, use of the tradi­ tional measuring systems is fast dying out in the wake of modernisation and new economic trends. But from informa­ tion available and residual usages and practices, we could accept that two generations ago the residents of this hamlet must have used them for their day to day transactions. It is interesting to note that the system of collectively guarding the chena plots, described above, and the system of thalaris taxa­ tion, discussed here, are mentioned by Knox. This goes to show that this region called ‘Sigiri Bim’ shared common links with the Kandyan provinces that Knox knew.

1. veeta refers to vi ata - paddy seeds

2. veata referred to here is the viyata which means a span length.

3. doona refers to a dunna, or bow.