Hunting, Trapping, Catching and Fishing

Eva Myrdal-Runebjer and Anura Yasapala

This presentation has two aims. One is simply to present the traditional hunting, trapping, catching and fishing techniques we documented in our Dry Zone study area during the field seasons 1989-92. The other aim is to widen the scope of archaeological interpretation. These techniques for food pro­ curement would to a large extent be invisible in an archa­ eological context. By knowing the technical possibilities we shall be able to view thTe osteological and palaeoecological material with additional questions.

This presentation would preferably have been done as a result of a thorough ethnographical study. Unfortunately our archaeological fieldwork schedule left us no chance of con­ ducting such a study. No thorough presentation of Lankan hunting and trapping techniques has, however, been published previously. We also found the evidence fast disappearing, the­ refore we considered it urgent, from the point of view of cultural history, to present what has been documented, though the picture might not be complete.

Fifteen male informants from different households in Tal- kote, Diyakapilla, Pidurangala, Ilukvava and Digampataha vi­ llages were interviewed regarding their own experience of hunting, trapping, catching and fishing. Eleven gave informa­ tion about hunting and trapping, three about fishing, three about the catching of wild buffaloes and three about hunting dogs. All but one were born in the area. The newcomer came from Anuradhapura district ten years ago. That district has an environmental situation similar to our study area.

As the trapping season is later than our field season, most of the traps were built by our informants after the interviews, at our request. They were built in their true environmental setting, but one or two months earlier than usual. The excep­ tions are one functioning and two abandoned pit traps that we documented in one home garden, one abandoned pit trap in wasteland, one newly built deadfall in a chena fence, rabbit snares and a wild boar snare in a chena field and fence respec­ tively, and one abandoned arched snare, a monkey trap.

Only one of the fishing devices had to be made, at our request. The reason of course is that in contrast to the animal traps, the fishing devices are movable and most of them can be used for several seasons.

The traps built on request have parallels in other cultures, of which the informants could have hardly any knowledge

Figure 17:1 Trap locations in cultural landscape.

(South East Asia, Africa and north-west Europe, for example). Some of them are also mentioned by other field workers from Lankan evidence, and some of them are mentioned in the topographical literature or mediaeval texts (see references be­ low each heading).

The survey by Michel Gelbert, reported in his book on swidden cultivation in Sri Lanka and two other socio-eco­ nomic surveys quoted by him, carried out during the 1980’s, presents a similar picture of where and when trapping and hunting is carried out. The techniques however are not des­ cribed in detail.

It seems that hunting and trapping are more integrated in the day to day work of our study area than in the field survey area of Gelbert. No references to religious beliefs were made to us when asking about hunting. Bryce Ryan presents a sim­ ilar picture from Uva Province in the 1950’s. Though his informants are devout Buddhists, ’’hunting for meat is not considered sinful." (Ryan, Arulpragasam, Bibile 1955:157). Gelbert however states that slaughtering is diminishing in im­ portance in his study areas in the 1980’s, due to the increased influence of orthodox Buddhist emphasis on vegetarianism (Gelbert 1988:112-113,151-153).

Regarding fishing, we also find references in pre-modern Lankan literature and in topographical works.

It is further noteworthy that the hunting and trapping pat­ tern closely intertwined with cultivating practices, as we found in our study area, has been observed as typical of sedentary subsistence farmers in other parts of the world (Kent 1989). The close connection between small-scale subsistence farming and hunting and trapping is also documented in India.

The basic outline of what animals and fish are caught, of techniques used, seasonality and environmental setting of the various activities, could therefore be considered set. What is still lacking is a documentation of the number of animals and amount of fish caught, and their relative importance as food in the household. What is presented here regarding this are only estimations by the interviewed households.

Hunting and trapping techniques and what animals are sought are not socially neutral facts. Already the written sour­ ces give us some hints of hunting and trapping in different social environments.

In Wilhelm Geiger’s translation of the Culavamsa, King Parakramabahu (1153-1186) goes hunting, the whole forest "surrounded by hunters with spears in their hands and nets..." (Culavamsa 1953. 70:35).

Traps, bows and arrows and nets were the main equipment of the hunter, says the 13th century text Saddharma-ratnav- aliya, according to Ariyapala (Ariyapala 1968:340).

From 17th century Kandy, Robert Knox tells us of the common people hunting with bows and arrows, and of trap­ ping from the point of view of agriculture and husbandry: trapping by placing sharp poles behind the fence to the "corn grounds", upon which the deer will land after jumping over the fence; by self-triggering crossbows to kill cow-eating leo­ pards; pit traps with a sharp pole in the bottom and deadfalls with bait for wild boar. He also mentions the catching of "Birds and Vermin".

His concluding remark is true also of today’s situation: "And all of them (the traps) they make onely by the help of their Knives with green sticks and withs that grow in the Woods." (Knox 1981:137-140.).

What we have documented then is hunting, trapping, cat­ ching and fishing as part of the common people’s economy in our Dry Zone study area. We have not tried to follow up what became of hunting from King Parakramabahu’s point of view.

We further noted that trapping, hunting, catching and fish­ ing today are male undertakings. Our informants had learnt the techniques from their fathers and grandfathers.

HUNTING, TRAPPING AND CATCHING, FOR FOOD; ANIMAL POWER AND PROTECTION OF CULTIVARS

The main animal proteins consumed by the dominantly sub­ sistence- swidden cultivators came, according to themselves, from trapped or hunted wild animals. This statement is cor­ roborated by several socio-economic surveys (see Gelbert above). Skins and horns of certain animals also bring in a supplementary income today, as they are cleaned and sold to craftsmen. We found that 27 different land species were tra­ pped or hunted.

As in the case of foraging for wild plants, we can see that trapping is closely connected to swidden cultivation. Traps are built on jungle paths leading to the swidden field, in openings in the swidden field fence at the end of jungle animal trails, on the fence itself, from the fence, behind the fence in the swid­ den field and in connection to crops grown (see fig. 17:1). The area round the swidden field is also searched for the den of the porcupine and the pangoline.

Our informants were unanimous that protection of the swidden field and the additional food provided by the animals were equally important reasons for building the traps.

Traps are also built in the jungle without a connection to a contemporary swidden field. Then it is preferably built in animal and wild fowl jungle tracks, or on previous swiddens where the open land would entice the animals, or close to waterholes during the dry season.

Hunting and trapping are therefore mainly associated with the jungle and swidden cultivation. Two exceptions to this were found. One, the catching of wild buffaloes close to tanks and open spaces. The other, protection of home garden crops.

Traps built close to the swidden fields are, of course, con­ nected to swidden cultivation. Hunting and trapping in the jungle would, however, be possible for the wet-rice cultivator to take up. We found it to be mainly among a few new settlers and young boys in the wet-rice village that this was actually done. Various explanations for this are possible. Meat from wild animals might be less needed, as tame animals provide some of the animal protein (milk products for example); the jungle proper is farther off from the wet-rice cultural landscape than the swidden-based village; less jungle area is available within the traditional village territory; the peasant household concentrating on subsistence-swidden cultivation, honey col­ lection and foraging, will have better knowledge of the forest and its hunting possibilities; and the additional income from selling skins and horns might be more urgently needed in such households, to mention a few possible reasons.

Bryce Ryan notes of the Uva Province in the 1950’s that paddy cultivators seldom hunt, in contrast to swidden cul­ tivators. He gives no material reason for this difference but refers it to a different "frame of mind" of paddy cultivators (Ryan 1955:157).

The environmental surroundings of different traps and hu­ nting and fishing techniques are given in fig. 17:1.The hunting and trapping season extends from June to April. Hunting with gun and dogs, in jungle or wasteland, can be carried on the year round. The informants stated however that the dry season - July and August especially - is the best hunting time. Then it is easier to move in the jungle and better for tracking and lying in wait, as the animals will more certain­ ly come - for example, to a waterhole. The swidden cultivating season is the main trapping season. Trapping can be carried out in the home garden the year round. The seasonality of various activities is presented in fig. 17:1.

A description of the various traps and hunting techniques follows. As an appendix to this article is a list of the animals and fish caught.

TRAPPING

Fences

As will be seen, the protecting fence around the home garden or swidden field is closely related to trap building. Several kinds of fence construction were noticed, using living, fast growing trees, or tree trunks and branches, or branches and twigs; but no special study of fences was made. Regarding the general question of time taken in making the fence, it was stated that fence building around that part of the swidden field cultivated by one household would engage three people for 10-12 days. Probably only part-time activity is meant.

Figure 17:2 Pitfall with pit-spear (boruvala). Dug at our request. Approximately 0.4m shallower than usual. Digging was difficult as monsoon had not yet started and soil was as

hard as cement. Diyakapilla village, October.

Photo: Mats Mogren.

Killing traps

Pitfail with pit-spear (boruvala)

The pitfail with pit-spear is dug after the rains have started, in October (the soil is too hard otherwise, as was the case when our pitfall was dug). Traps of this kind are used from the end of October to February. They are dug 2m deep, with a slight funnel shape (owing to lack of time, the pitfall built for our documentation was only 1.6m deep). The upper diameter is about 1.3m and at the bottom about lm. A sharpened wooden pole, about 0.08m in diameter, of mora or danduvaha wood, is dug into the bottom of the pit, to a height of about 1.4m above the pitfall base. The earth dug up is heaped at some distance, as it is said that some animals, especially the por­ cupine, will otherwise be suspicious and avoid walking over the trap.The pitfail is covered with thin branches, bark and over that dry leaves and some sand from the surrounding ground. It is dangerously well hidden below this cover.

An axe and a vak pihiya are used to cut the wooden material. A hoe and an iron lever are used for digging.

This kind of pitfall is usually built in animal trails (which are often the same as the footpaths men use) leading to chena fields or, as in our case, in a footpath in scrub jungle. The chena field is protected by the pitfall, while it also attracts animals which can then be more easily trapped.

It will take two persons two or three days to make this trap. Because of the elephant threat, they will work in the jungle only between 9 am and about 3-4 o’clock in the afternoon. Our informants used to build one or two pits outside each chena field every season. The traps are used for four or five months and they estimate 10-15 animals will be trapped in their pitfalls during one season. The animals are usually killed by falling on the pit-spear.

According to our informants, it is common practice for two or three persons to share the work and the bag from one pitfall, especially if they also work within the same swidden clearance.

The trap is visited every morning and the trapped animals are divided between the people who took part in making the pit. The meat is said not to be destroyed although the animal is pierced by the pole.

Porcupine (ittava), wild boar (val ura), elk (gona) and deer (miminna, titmuva, valimuva) are the most common quarry, but leopard (kotiya) was also mentioned.

Figure 17:3 Covering the pitfail, dug in the middle of footpath

in scrub jungle. Diyakapilla village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Figure 17:4 The pitfall is covered and not easily detected (in front of the trap-builder's feet). Diyakapilla village.

Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Pitfall without pit-spear Deep rectangular

Two deep pitfalls were found. One was dug in former chena land. It had been dug five years previously and was now abandoned. It measured 1.5x1.5m in circumference, and was 6.3m deep. When in use it was covered by thin branches and leaves.

This kind of trap is mainly used for catching elk (gona) deer (miminna, titmuva, valimuva) and wild boar (val ura). The animal will either die by the fall or will not be able to climb up again. The men climb down a ladder to bring up the beast. If it is too heavy to carry, a special hoist is built. This device was only described, not documented. Two wooden poles from forked branches are dug in, with the fork turned upwards, on either side of the pit. Another wooden pole, pierced at one end, is placed in the fork. A peg is put through the hole and a rope is fastened at the middle of the horizontal pole. The rope is bound round the animal and by turning the horizontal pole, the animal is hoisted.

The other pit was in use, dug in the home garden about 10m from the dwelling house. It was dug to protect the home garden from wild boar and deer. It was 1.7x1.7m in circum­ ference and 4m deep. Thin branches were laid above the hole and covered with a thick thatch of straw (sesamum indicum). This kind of trap is in use from October to March.

According to the informant, the family didn’t consider it a danger to children or domesticated buffaloes and cows to have such a deep, hidden pit just behind the house. Cattle are kept out of the home garden and children will recognize the danger below the camouflage.

Figure 17:5 Rectangular pitfail 4m deep, without pit-spear, in home garden ca 20m from dwelling house. Used to catch intruding wild boar and deer. Cattle are kept outside the

home garden. Ihala Talkote village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Figure 17:6 Deadfall (habaka) built into the chena-field "fence", Pidurangala village, late October.

Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Deadfall

Habaka

This kind of deadfall is built in an opening in the swidden field fence, by the farmer who built that part of the fence, that is, the farmer who cultivates that specific part of the field. It is in use from the end of October to March.

The habaka is built where the swidden field crosses a jungle footpath. The purpose of the trap is to protect the swid­ den as well as catch animals.

On either side of the opening there is a heavy, inclining platform, placed lengthwise along the fence. The platform is made of 10-15 branches bound side by side onto three branches across. The upper ones protrude outside the platform. Upon this about 10 wooden branches, ca 20.05-0. Im in diameter, are placed. The platform might also be loaded with stones, to give it additional weight. A vertical branch with forked top is dug down on each side, just behind the fence. The platform supports are placed in the fork. A kalaval rope is pulled over each platform support and the protruding stick of the platform’s upper end, thereby making the platform incline. The inner platform support holds the outer one down with the help of the key-stick.

In front of the opening a ‘net’ is hung, made of kirival strings and horizontally placed sticks. It is held up by the key-stick. This is a wooden stick bound to the inner platform­ supporting stick. Through the platform weight the key-stick is pressed upwards, to a horizontal stick bound across the open­ ing above the net and towards the first horizontal stick in the net.

When an animal tries to enter the (ca 0.3x0.3m wide) opening in the fence, it will be caught in the net, pulling it down. The key-stick is let loose and the platform will fall on the animal, usually crushing it.

The habaka is examined at least three times a day. If the animal is not killed by the platform, the chena field watcher will kill it. It belongs to the person who built the trap.

Wild boar (val ura) and rabbits (hava) are the most com­ mon prey, though bear (yalaha) and leopard (kotiya) were also mentioned by one informant.

Mihabaka

This deadfall is a rat trap. The one we documented was built as a protection against rodents in an irrigated bean field. It is also used in home gardens.

About 25 sticks of about 0.01m diameter are bound by a kirival string, one above the other, to three sticks crossing them at right angles. A stick is placed at each end and one in the middle. The two outer sticks are longer than the platform. The stick in the middle of the platform is longer than the platform’s width.

The platform is made to incline in the following way: a forked stick is sunk into the ground, bifurcated end upwards. A kalaval string is bound to the two outer, longer sticks of the platform. On top of the platform four stones (about 0.1m in diameter) are placed, to make it heavier. A stick is placed vertically in the fork. The kalaval string is pulled over the stick. The other end of the stick is bound to a kirival string fastened to the key-stick. Beside the platform, at mid-point a smaller stick is sunk into the ground. By the weight of the platform the key-stick is pressed upwards, against the longer horizontal stick in the middle of the platform and towards a stick placed horizontally under it. This in turn is held in posi­ tion by the smaller vertical stick outside the platform and under the platform end, resting on the ground. The bait - usually some kind of vegetable - is bound to the horizontal stick beneath the platform. When the rat slips in under the platform and tries to take the bait away, the key-stick is let loose and the rat is crushed.

Rats are not eaten by man, but will be given to the dogs or cats, according to our informants.

Figure 17:7 Deadfall (mi habaka) - a rat-trap built in irrigated bean field, Talkote village. Rats are not eaten by

humans, but given to the dogs or cats. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Figure 17:8 Self-triggered gun (bandina tuvakkuva) in abandoned chena field. This one is adjusted in height to shoot

deer. Talkote village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Poison

Rats (miyari) today are also killed by poison.

Self-triggered gun (bandina tuvakkuva)

Technically, this is a modernisation of the self-triggered spear or crossbow. The bandina tuvakkuva is located in jungle foot­ paths, or former chena land that will entice the animals, close to waterholes in the dry season, or where a footpath crosses a chena field during the chena season.

A thin, metal cylinder is tied horizontally to two vertically placed poles. The height above ground is dependant on which kind of animal it is meant for. The cylinder is open only at one end. At the opposite end is a spear-like metal object, tied at its ‘tang-end’ to the cylinder, the ‘spear-point’ in the direction of the closed end of the cylinder. The object is bent upwards by placing a sturdy wooden stick under the ‘§pear-point end’.About 2cm beneath the ‘spear-point end’ there is a small hole in the cylinder, upon which a slightly funnel shaped metal orifice is soldered.

This trap also functions through force and counter force on a key-stick. Two strings are fastened to a small tree, which is bent. One string is bound to the key-stick, the other to the sturdy, wooden stick beneath the ‘spear-point end’.

The key-stick is placed at the vertical post, at the open end of the cylinder. By means of the string it is pressed towards a stick fastened horizontally to the vertical post. It is held in position about 4-5cm above the cylinder, by a string run over the cylinder and the key-stick. This string in turn is fastened to a thin, but strong thread. The thread crosses the footpath or some place where the animal is supposed to pass, and tied to a branch, or something the like, on the other side.

The cylinder is charged with gunpowder and bullet. When the animal passes, the thread pulls the string off the key-stick, and the bent tree will be released. Straightening up, it will pull the sturdy stick supporting the spear-like object. This metal object will hit the orifice of the hole. The gunpowder explodes and the bullet shoots out; it might kill, or wound the animal.

The trap is usually built to kill elk (gona), deer (miminna, titmuva, valimuva), civet cats (urulava), porcupines (ittava) or wild boar (val ura), but bear (yalaha) and leopard (kotiya) were also mentioned.

Figure 17:9 Fixed spear (uladamilla) inside chena field fence. Height of spear and distance from fence depends on which

kind of deer is the target. This is decided from footprints seen

in the field. Ilukvava. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Fixed spear (uladamilla)

The fixed spear is made of hard wood such as kirikon, seru or danduvaha. The pole is sharpened at the upper end. It is placed inside the chena field behind the fence, inclining tow­ ards the fence at about 25°. It is sunk 0.09-0.13m into the ground. It is placed where footprints of deer or elk have been noticed. The height of the pole and the distance to the fence depends on which animal left the footprints. The one docu­ mented was aimed for elk. It was about 0.05m in diameter, lm above ground and placed at a distance of 1.5m from the fence.

The pole is blackened by charcoal from velam or damba wood, to be less visible. When the animal jumps over the fence it will be pierced by the sharpened pole. The animal might run some distance to get rid of it, thereby causing a more severe wound. Those watch­ ing the chena field will then kill the animal, if it isn't killed by the spear.

Five or six fixed spears could be placed along the chena fence. The number depends on how many places deer and elk try to enter.

Eight to ten deer (miminna, titmuva, valimuva) or elk (go- na) caught in one swidden season is said to be a normal tally.

An axe is used to cut the pole and apihiya (knife) is used to sharpen it.

Figure 17:10 Arched snare for squirrels (lena ugula), for protection of home garden crops in Diyakapilla village. Snare is built on a pole resting on the fence. Squirrels are

sometimes eaten, sometimes given to the dogs or cats.

Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Snares

Arched snare

Len ugula

Squirrel traps are built in home gardens and swidden fields, where squirrels are often seen to run. In one swidden field of six to eight acres, divided between two or three households, up to ten len ugula will be built in grain ripening times. There are several different, but closely resembling types, of which one is described below.

A wooden pole is bound horizontally from the fence to a tree, for example. The trap is placed between the fence and the bait, consisting of kurakkan or tanavi, bound to the pole.

The trap is an arched snare, resting on a key-stick. It con­ sists of one bifurcated twig placed with the forked end downwards. The two ends are bound on each side of the pole, leaving a large opening ca 0.15m between the pole and the twig. The snare is bound to a branch, which is bound to the tree (or naturally growing). A thin stick is pulled through the open­ ing of the snare. The stick is bound horizontally across the upper end of the twig. The key-stick is bound to the branch. The branch is bent and the key-stick is pressed upwards, towards the upper stick, held in place by a thin stick placed in the bifurcation about 0.03m above the pole.

The squirrel will run along the pole, when it smells the grain. While running through the bifurcated twig it will touch the lower stick. The stick will fall, the key-stick is let loose and the branch, bending upwards, catches the squirrel between the snare and the upper stick.

Some people will eat the squirrel, others will give it to the dogs and cats. They could not say how many squirrels are usually caught in one growing season, the event being less spectacular than, for example, the catching of elk and deer.

Figure 17:11 Monkey trap (rila ugula) in swidden field. Snare is built on a pole resting on the fence. Diyakapilla. Photo:

Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Rila ugula I

Monkey traps are of two types. Both are used in home garden and swidden fields. One type is meant only for the rilava monkey. Like the squirrel snare, it is built on a pole bound horizontally from the fence to two forked wooden posts in the field. Vertically in the ground between the posts, a long branch is also stood. It is bound to the posts and the pole.

A twig is bent into a ring, the ends fixed by a kalaval string. The ring is bound to the pole about 0.5m from the fence, forming a kind of platform. Another twig is pulled under the pole, bent upwards, the overlapping ends strongly bound by a kalaval rope. The branch is bent towards the platform and the twig is pulled over it. A natural bifurcation, or similar, protrud­ ing element holds the twig in place.

A corn cob or some other grain growing in the field, much liked by the monkeys, is strongly bound to the twig. The snare, nowadays usually made of metal wire, is connected to a wooden stick about 0.04m in diameter and 0.25m long. The snare is rounded and laid on the platform. At the other end of the stick another, stronger wire (an electric wire could be used) is fastened. This wire is bound to the bent branch.

The monkey will come and sit, or stand on the platform, enticed by the corn cob. When it takes the corn cob it also lifts the twig from the bent branch. The branch bends back and the snare catches the monkey. The wooden stick and the strong wire prevent the animal from cutting the snare and running away before the watcher of the swidden, or home garden, comes along.

The monkeys are eaten, though no estimation could be given of how many are caught in a season.

Figure 17:12 Close-up of triggering mechanism in monkey trap. Snare rests on the twig bent into a circle (right).

Diyakapilla. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Rila ugula II

In this kind of trap no bait is used - it simply catches monkeys running on the fence around home gardens or swidden fields.

This means that both rilava and vandura monkeys are caught.

Also, this is a trap resting on a key-stick. Two wooden posts of velam are sunk vertically in the ground, just outside the fence. Two velam sticks are bound horizontally together with kirival strings, at either side of the upper end of the wooden posts, connecting the two.

A small platform about 0.3-0.35m long and 0.2m broad is made with twigs of kuratiya, about 0.01m in diameter, bound together with kirival strings. It is stabilized by three twigs crossing them at right angles. The platform is balanced on the upper, horizontal fence post.

Figure 17:13 Monkey trap (rila ugula) being set in swidden field fence. Talkote village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Figure 17:14 Close-up of triggering mechanism in monkey trap. The animal is caught between the snare and the

horizontal sticks. No bait is used. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

A branch is placed vertically in the ground about lm from the wooden structure (or a small tree naturally growing there might be used). The key-stick and the snare, made of kalaval string, are bound to the branch. The snare passes between the two horizontal sticks of the wooden structure. The branch is bent towards the fence.

The platform is held in position by the key-stick from the bent branch. The key-stick is pressed upwards, towards the upper horizontal sticks of the wooden structure and its lower end is placed between two platform twigs. The snare is made circular and laid on the platform.

The key-stick is let loose when the monkey walks on the platform, as the platform will fall. The branch will bend back. The monkey is caught between the snare and the upper ho­ rizontal sticks of the wooden platform. Both kinds of monkeys are eaten. An estimated 10-12 monkeys are caught in this way during the four-month swid- den season. Up to six traps will be built along the swidden field fence. When a monkey has been caught in a trap, the swidden field watcher will have to change the position of the trap, otherwise other monkeys will avoid it.

Figure 17:15 Porcupine and pangoline trap (kaballa ugula) in scrub jungle, outside a porcupine den. The snare is sprung when the animal treads on the small, leaf-covered horizontal

stick. Talkote village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Kaballa ugula

This trap is also called the itta-ugula. It is built outside the den of the porcupine (ittava) and the pangoline (kaballava). They often stay in the same den.

The area around the swidden field will be searched for the den. It is often situated beneath huge stone boulders where natural cavities are formed. Outside the entrance of the den a fence is constructed of wooden sticks up to 0.5m long. They are positioned vertically in the ground and horizontally placed sticks are bound to them. The natural vegetation or topographical features are used as much as possible, as part of the fence. At a suitable point a passage is left open. Two sticks are bound together horizontally over the upper end of the fence, on either side of the opening, about 0.2m above ground.

Figure 17:16 Wild fowl trap I (valikukul ugula) being set in

scrub jungle. Photo: Mats Mogren.

The key-stick and the snare are bound to a small tree, or low branch close to the fence. The snare (nowadays made of electric wire) passes between the two upper horizontal sticks of the opening. The key-stick is placed resting on the two horizontal sticks, held in position by a third stick about 0.03m above ground. This stick is pressed towards the sides of the fence by the key-stick. Thin twigs are laid, inclining from the lower, loose stick, towards the ground.

The lower twig is covered by dry leaves, and the opening is sometimes covered by a newly cut, leafy twig.

When the animal treads on the lower twig, the key-stick is let loose, the bent branch rises and the animal is caught be­ tween the snare and the upper horizontal twigs.

Often two traps of this kind are built by one householder during a single season. In one season he might catch up to 10 animals.

The meat of both species is eaten and the quills of the porcupine are sold.

Valikukul ugula

This wild fowl trap can be built in two slightly different ways. Both are built during the swidden season. They are built where wild fowl are known to walk (in ‘wild fowl paths’, or feeding grounds).

In the first variant, a fence about 0.2m high is built of horizontal twigs tied to vertical sticks, which are put down on both sides of the path. Any kind of tree could be used. The opening in the fence is about 0.25m wide.

A key-stick is bound to a low, growing branch, or small tree nearby. The snare, made of kalaval, is tied to the same branch. Hook-shaped sticks are positioned on either side of the opening. A stick is placed horizontally under them. The branch is bent and the key-stick placed with one end beneath the horizontal stick, the other end resting on the ground. Thin sticks are laid, inclining from the ground towards the horizon­ tal stick. The snare is opened and laid upon them. When the wild fowl treads on the sticks, the horizontal stick is pushed down, the key-stick is released and the branch swings up. The wild fowl is caught in the snare. There are two, very similar ways of adapting the key-stick. Just one of them is described here.

The other kind is made especially to catch the neck of the fowl. The fence is built only on one side and the snare is left hanging above the horizontal stick. Otherwise the construction is similar. Scraped coconut is strewn on the ground, and the horizon­

tal and inclining sticks are covered by dry leaves. The fowl, in eating the coconut, will trample on the horizontal stick and might get caught in the snare when the key-stick is released.

The wood pigeon (kobeiya) and peacock (monara) are also trapped in this way.

The branch will now be bent like a bow. A bait is fastened to the peg.

When the parrot alights on the peg, trying to take the bait away, the peg moves. The snare is released and the branch swings up, catching the parrot’s leg between the snare and the branch.

Figure 17:17 Wildfowl trap II (valikukul ugula) of a somewhat different kind being prepared in scrub jungle. Here minced coconut is used as bait. Both traps are built on "wild

fowl paths" in the jungle. Diyakapilla village.

Photo: Mats Mogren.

Figure 17:18 Rabbit-traps (hadala) being laid between the jungle and a field in the home garden. The snares are tied together with grass straw, not to leave any passage between

them. Diyakapilla village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Simple snare

Hadala

This is a rabbit trap, built in openings in the home garden or swidden field fence, where rabbits pass to eat the crop. It is in use throughout the swidden season, for four months.

A string is bound between two wooden sticks, in an open­ ing in the fence about 0.25m above ground. Simple snares made into a ring are bound to the string, one next to the other, hanging just above the ground. Where they touch, they are bound together with a grass straw so that there is no opening between them. The rabbit is caught in passing the snare.

Nowadays thin metal wire is used, blackened with charcoal to be less visible. Previously kalaval strings were used. The traps we documented were strung on an 8m long wire, 56 snares in a row. This was considered a big hadala.

Hadala traps are often built in two or three places along the fence. It was said that in all 20-25 rabbits could be caught in one month; sometimes two animals were caught during one night. The meat is eaten and skin thrown away, or given to the dogs.

Figure 17:19 Simple Snare with camouflaged hindrance (urumanda) in a "wild boar path" in scrub jungle. Twigs from plants growing there are bound into a circle, and the snare tied to it with grass straw. The heavy chunk of wood tied to

the snare will ultimately stop the wild boar. It is hidden to the

right in the picture. Talkote village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Madu yedima

This is a snare simply laid on a jungle path. The other end of the string is bound to a tree, or rock in the vicinity. The leg of the animal becomes entangled in the snare and the harder it pulls to free itself, the tighter the snare knots. The animal is slaughtered by the trapper.

Porcupines (ittava), wild boar (yal ura) and iguanas (tal- agoya) are the usual prey.

Simple snares are also placed hanging from the hadala, on jungle footpaths. They hang to reach a porcupine’s head. This kind of porcupine snare was used by the trapper in question especially in January and February.

None of these simple snares was documented.

Snare with hindrance (chunk of wood)

Urumanda

This snare is laid to catch wild boar. The trapper is guided by the footprints of wild boar to determine where a ‘pig path’ occurs in the jungle. Often it is close to the swidden, or home garden fields. The use of the snare is not confined to the swidden, or growing seasons, though, and may be established in the jungle at any time of the year.

The snare nowadays is made of metal wire; kalaval strings were previously used.Theendof the wire is fastened to a heavy log of wood - often a forked branch, or stem, is used. The one documented was lm long and each branch was 0.1m in diameter. This is hidden in bushes beside the path.

Thin twigs of a growing plant along the path (kuratiya for example) are bent over the path and tied together, forming an arch. The snare is bound with grass straws to the upper part of the arch, hanging over the path. Thin twigs with leaves and/or grass straws or various herbs, are used to cover the rest of the snare, though leaving an opening in the middle.

When the wild boar passes, his neck is caught in the snare. He will try to escape, but the heavy forked log of wood will soon become entangled in the vegetation and the boar will be unable to move very far. The trapper then slaughters it with an axe, or other sharp implement, or stick. Eight to ten such snares are usual outside a swidden field. Our trapper used to have five or six urumadu at the same time in the jungle, when it was not the swidden season. In one year five or six wild boar could be caught in this way, according to our informant. There is also a goymanda functioning in the same way, but adapted to catch the iguana (talagoya). This trap was not docu­ mented.

Figure 17:20 Abandoned shallow pitfall without pit-spear (boruvala), in the opening of a "living fence" round a small mannokka field in a home garden. It protects the field from wild boar. The animals are caught in the pit and later killed

by the home garden owner. Ihala Talkote village.

Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Figure 17:21 Inside an abandoned kraal for buffalo catching

(gala) in scrub jungle south of Polattava.

Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Figure 17:22 Wild buffaloes are scarce in our study area today. Catching them is considered an undertaking for

experts only. Here an old expert talks about his experiences to the team. Talkote village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer

Gonamanda

The gonamanda is a snare attached to an antler. The snare is placed in a small opening of the chena field fence and the antler is placed beside it. When the animal passes, its head is caught in the snare. In tries to escape and the antler becomes entangled in the fence, or the vegetation outside. The animal is tracked and killed. This snare is aimed at wild boar.

Pitfail catching without pit-spear. Narrow rectangular pitfall for wild boar.

In one home garden we found two abandoned pitfalls, pro­ tecting enclosures for mannyokka cultivation. They were ma­ de for trapping wild boar, which are especially fond of mannyokka. On three sides around the small mannyokka field a ‘live fence’ (giniseeriya) is planted, taller than a man, with twigs horizontally twined between the closely growing trees. The opening in the fence is on the fourth side. In front of it a rectangular pit is dug. The pits documented were 1.7x0.7m in circumference and about 1.6m deep, and 2x0.8m and 1.3m deep respectively; and slightly decayed. The pits are covered with thin branches. The boar falls into the pit when trying to enter the field. As the pit is deep and narrow the animal will not be able to get out. The boar is then killed by the owner of the home garden.

The pit is in use when the mannyokka is ripening.

HUNTING METHODS, KILLING AND CATCHING DEVICES

CATCHING

Kudaya

The wood pigeon (kobeiya) is caught with a basket (kudaya). The basket is placed in the courtyard outside the house. It is made with the opening inclining downwards and a rope tied at the upper end, while someone sits inside the house, holding the rope. Food liked by the kobeiya is strewn on the ground, under the basket. When the bird comes to eat the basket topples over it, as the rope is released.

Similarly, the seasonal visitor, the avicciya, is caught with a basket in the jungle. The bird is either eaten or sold as a pet. None of these catching methods was documented.

Net

The wood-pigeon (kobeiya) is caught in a net cage placed in the home garden. This was not documented.

Gala (wild buffalo pen)

Buffaloes are caught in a kraal, in open wasteland, or not too dense jungle. Nowadays wild buffaloes are not common in our study area. One abandoned, decaying gala (wild buffalo pen) was however found in scrub jungle. It was situated close to former swiddens where the vegetation had not recovered.It consisted of an enclosure about 2.5-3m wide, 5m long and 1.5-1.7m high. It was built on three sides with wooden poles, about 0.1m in diameter, put down vertically in the ground, two by two, with 0.5-0.75m distance between each pair. Between the two rows of wooden poles thinner branches had been laid horizontally, one above the other. They were tied to the poles by kalaval strings. About 2m inside from the open (fourth) short side, a gate was built of the same material. On the outside of the enclosure leafy branches had been stuck as a camouflage.

Such wild buffalo pens were built in paths they were kn­ own to frequent. Sometimes the animals were driven into the gala by battue.

A strong net, kambadala, is also used to catch wild buf­ faloes. The net is placed crossing a footpath, and the buffalo is driven by battue towards the net.

The buffaloes are either tamed or eaten. They are tamed by being tied with their heads put through a wooden frame fas­ tened in the ground - a hilinguva - for about 20 days; then they are tied to a tame animal for three or four months. Thus tamed they can be used as draught animals. If the buffalo dies of exhaustion while struggling to free itself, it will be eaten.

None of these catching methods was documented.

Figure 17:23 Device by which wild buffaloes are caught, a varamanda. Advancing behind a tame buffalo the catcher ties

a rope with a deer antler attached to it to a leg of the wild buffalo. The antler will ultimately become entangled in the

vegetation, trapping the animal. Anuradhapura Folk Museum. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Stalking with decoy animal

In contrast to hunting and trapping in general, wild buffalo catching by stalking with a decoy animal is considered to be work for an expert.

The catcher advances towards the wild herd, hiding behind a tame buffalo. The buffalo is caught by tying a rope bound to a sambhur horn (a varamanda) around one of its hind legs. When the buffalo tries to run away the horn is caught in the vegetation, hindering escape. The animal is then tamed as described regarding the catch in the gala.

The old expert buffalo catcher we talked with was also a former vel vidane of one of the Talkote tanks. He was known to the surrounding villages too, as an expert buffalo catcher.

If he caught buffaloes within his own village territory he would sell the animal and keep the money. Sometimes he was sent for, from other villages which had a herd on their territory. Then he would share the money from the sale with the people of that village who accompanied him on the catch - after he had met his expenses for the rope.

This was not documented. KILLING

Smoking out

Porcupines (ittava) and pangolines (kaballava) are sometimes smoked out from their den and killed with sharp metal imple­ments or wooden sticks, while fleeing. This was not docu­ mented.

Lying in wait

Two methods are used for hunting: the man hides with his gun (with or without dogs) close to a waterhole. This is effective in the dry season only; he uses the dog to track the animal.

John Davy writes in the first quarter of the 19th century regarding the "village Weddahs" he met in Uva: "They have dogs, but they do not employ them in hunting, excepting the Talagoya (iguana). They lie in wait for their game, or steal upon it when feeding, and kill it with their arrows." (Davy 1983 (18-21):88). Today no arrows are in use in our study area.

The Ceylon yellow-legged green pigeon (batagoya), wo­ od-pigeon (kobeiya), wild fowl (valikukula), peacock (mo- nara), elk (gona), mongoose (hotambuva), porcupine (ittava), different kinds of deer (miminna, titmuva, valimuva) and wild boar (val uro) are shot by the hunter while lying in wait.

Bear (valaha) and leopard (kotiya) are also hunted and, according to our informants, sometimes trapped. Their skins are sold. Their meat is not eaten, but partly used for medical purposes.

Figure 17:24 Hunting dogs with their owner, Digampataha village. They are descendants of his father's pack. Almost

every household has a watchdog, but not everyone owns good

hunting dogs. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Figure 17:25 Sling-shot (galdunna) most often used to throw stones at intruding cattle, to scare them away. Small animals resting on tree-tops can also he killed by this method. An old,

well known hunter demonstrates how to handle the device. Pidurangala village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Tracking with dog

Dogs are used to track the animals. The hunter will scour the jungle with his dogs, two or three days a week. Most hunters prefer the dry season as it is easier to move in the jungle at that time of the year, and lying in wait will also be more rewarding. The dogs know to which house they belong, as they always receive their food from there. One informant also bathed his dogs once a week. The hunter will select promising young puppies from ‘his’ bitches. He will take them on hunting trips with the older dogs. One informant however, a share-cropper and swidden cultivator owning three grown dogs and three puppies, said all dogs are good hunting dogs and no selection is necessary, but he preferred to keep bitches as they are con­ sidered more faithful to the house, and because they give birth to the next generation of hunting dogs.

According to him, dogs usually live 10-12 years, but can be used for hunting only up to their eigth year. He will keep a dog until it dies a natural death. When asked if he would kill a dog too old to hunt, he strongly protested. The very idea seemed strange to him. Neighbours and relatives are given puppies; also non-hunting households usually have at least one dog, to watch the house.

His father had kept dogs and his own dogs were their descendents, he said.

Figure 17:26 Close-up of the galdunna. It was made by the user and needs repair approximately every third month.

Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Dogs are trained in hunting by older dogs. They are trained to track an animal and drive it towards the hunter, or to hold it and bark until he comes. The animal is sometimes killed by the dogs before the hunter arrives, especially the smaller animals, such as the big lizard (iguana) mouse deer and pangoline.

When an animal is caught the dogs are given the parts not eaten by man. This gives them zest for the hunt.

Some hunters have a personal relationship with their dogs, in the sense that they give them individual names - Ant (Ka- diya, that is hardworking), Long Hair (Bula), Bathiya and Tomia (claimed simply to sound good as a dog’s name) and "Pig-puppiess" (Urukikki, because her face resembled a pig’s when she was a puppy). Others called their group of dogs by a collective "name", a sound: Aiy-Aiy. The same and similar names are mentioned by the Seligmann’s, as given to dogs by Vaddas in Sri Lanka at the beginning of this century - Kadiya, Taniya and Komiya for example (Seligmann, C.G. and B.Z. 1911:117).

When at home, the dogs are always watching. If of fierce character, they will be tied during the day but let loose at night.

This is far from Sir James Emerson Tennent’s urban-biased statement of the mid-19th century: "There is no native wild dog in Ceylon, but every village and town is haunted by mongrels of European descent, which are known by the ge­ neric description of Pariahs. They are a miserable race, ac­ knowledged by no owners, living on the garbage of the streets and sewers, lean, wretched, and mangy, and if spoken to unex­ pectedly, shrinking with an almost involuntary cry. Yet in these persecuted outcasts there survives that germ of instinctive af­ fection which binds the dog to the human race, and a gentle word, even a look of compassionate kindness, is sufficient

EVA MYRDAL-RUNEBJER AND ANURA Y ASAP ALA

foundation for a lasting attachment." (Tennent 1977(1- 859):119).

Other authors however have provided us with a less biased account of the use of dogs. Ariyapala quotes the thirteenth century text Saddharma-ratnavaliya, which refers to dogs us­ ed in hunting (Ariyapala 1968:340).

Henry Parker further says of the dogs of the Vaddas and Vannis: "The dogs are trained for hunting, and will track any wounded animal, or follow up unwounded ones, through the thickest of jungle;...Well-trained dogs of this kind, of no par­ ticular breed, sharp-snouted, pointed-eared, little bigger than an Airedale terrier, in colour commonly yellow-brown or bl­ ack, the ordinary non-descript dogs that are seen in every village, are wonderfully intelligent in the forest." (Parker 19- 81(1909):90).

The giant squirrel (dandu lend), mongoose (Jiotambuva) and one kind of deer (miminna) are tracked and killed by the dogs; or shot. The polecat (kalavadda) is killed by dogs at night. The iguana (talagoya) and the civet cat (urulava) are also killed by the dogs. The elk (gona) and two kinds of deer (titmuva, valimuva) are tracked and shot.

Galdunna

The galdunna is a bow-like device (a kind of slingshot) by which stones are shot to scare off intruding cattle in fields and home garden areas. However, it was said that the galdunna could also be used to kill smaller mammals and birds resting on the outer end of branches, or in tree-tops. This was not documented.

The documented bow was lm long, made of katapila wood with a string of kalaval. It was made by the householder, and would be repaired every three months.

FISHING

In our study area, fishing was traditionally carried out the year round, with the exception of September. Dry-season fishing is conducted during the time when tank-based foraging of stalks and seeds is least rewarding, and the cows and buffaloes can’t be milked. We found 15 different species were trapped or fished.

Catching with karaka, kudaya, or by hand

The most important tank fishing season starts when the tank is drying out, in July, and continues into September, with a peak season in August, often the driest month.

Fishing in tanks with hand manipulated basket devices, or by hand, was till very recently a collective undertaking of ten or twenty males. They would decide when to go fishing, start­ ing about 9 o’clock in the morning on the day agreed upon,

Figure 17:27 Traditional fishing techniques.

walking in line over the tank bed with their fishing devices. They would stop for the day at 3 or 4 o’clock in the afternoon.

The catch was divided among them. We were told that earlier this century, when the village was more homogenous, the fish would be shared also with households not taking part in the catch, but having land below the tank. It was also said that anyone "belonging to the village" could take part in the fishing - he did not need to have land below the tank.

As we noticed regarding Digampataha, it is mainly swid- den cultivating villagers with access to water tanks who also utilize the tanks for fishing.

With the karaka, bigger fish were caught by placing the funnel shaped basket over the fish and removing it through the opening in the upper end.

Siriweera notes that the fourteenth century literary work, Saddharmalankara, mentions the karaka as a fishing device (Siriweera 1986:17). Knox states that fishing is conducted in the dry period and mentions the use of the karaka during the latter half of the 17th century, in the then Kandyan state (Knox 1981:141-142). Sir James Emerson Tennent describes fishing with a similar device in the lowland, as he saw it travelling on the road from Colombo to Kandy in the mid-19th century. Here, according to Tennent, fishing started with the rains. Whether it is fishing in tanks that he describes, however, is unclear, as he terms the fishing ground "the hollows on either side" of that road (Tennent 1977(1859): 172-173).

The kudaya, a bowl-shaped basket used also for other pur­ poses, is still used, dragged through the little water that is left, ’sieving’ it to catch the smaller fish. Both the karaka and the kudaya were made by male household members from locally available trees and plants.No reference to the ‘water-sieving’ kudaya has been found in the literature.

Using bare hands to catch fish is mentioned in the fifth century Samantapasadika, according to Siriweera (Siriweera 1986:16). Bailing water out from small ponds and catching fish by hand is said by Henry Parker to be a typical fishing technique in the jungle villages of Vaddas, Tamils and Sin­ halese (Parker 1981(1909):51-52). In 1991 we observed this fishing technique at Sigirivava. A low bund was formed in the tank bed where water was still found. The water was then bailed out from the enclosure, by hand and bucket. Small cuts in the tank bed outside the enclosure were also used to drain off the water. The fish were caught by hand, lifted out of the mud and deposited in buckets.

It must be noted that these techniques for fishing in tanks can’t be performed where the tank has a connection to peren­ nial water sources.

Figure 17:29 Bailing out water from the almost dry Sigirivava, to catch the fish hiding in the mud by hand. Late

August. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

The use of poison

The poisoning of water is said by Parker to be another typical fishing technique, in the Vadda-Sinhalese-and-Tamil jungle villages. Siriweera quotes the fifth century text Samantap- asadika, where reference is made to the use of poison in the water in times of drought, in order to stupefy the fish and thereby catch them more easily (Siriweera 1986:16).

In our study area, the root of the kalaval is used for poison­ ing the water of tanks, natural ponds and streams that are drying. The root is crushed and then rinsed in the little water left in the tank, pond or stream. The fish come floating up.

Figure 17:30 Creel (kemana) demonstrated by owner and builder, Talkote village. This type of stationary fish trap is

used in flowing water during the rainy season. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Kemana

With the rain in mid-October, fishing in the Sigiri Oya (a seasonal stream) begins, using creels (a kind of stationary fish trap - kemana). The kemanas are made by menfolk out of locally available plant material. They are stationed and sear­ ched singly, in contrast to the collective fishing in the tank. The kemanas will be searched every forth or fifth hour during the day.

If many fish are caught, most of them will be dried in the sun and later smoked above the fire, in the stove.

Figure 17:31 Lui kuduva, another stationary fish-trap for catching lullas of various sizes watching their roe. Talkote

village. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

Figure 17:32 Placing nets in water-filled tank, using a raft (paruva). Vannigamayavava Kosgaha-ala village, late

October. Photo: Eva Myrdal-Runebjer.

The technique of building stationary traps for fish in the streams seems to have been known in Sri Lanka long back. There is no archaeological evidence to cite, but Samantap- asadika, Buddhagosha’s 5th century commentary on the Vm- aya Pitaka, mentions among other fishing devices also the kumina, which according to Siriweera is the Sinhala kemana. The medieval Saddharmalankara also refers to the kemana (Siriweera 1986:16-17). Our 17th century source, Robert Knox, doesn’t explicitly mention the kemana, although he mentions the construction in the Mahavali ganga of some kind of bar­ rier, leading the fish into "fish-pots" placed between rocks (Knox 1981:142). Nearly 200 years later, Tennent mentions the creel in Sri Lanka, in a footnote, but without indicating its geographical distribution at that time.

Stationary fish traps of the creel type are examples of a universal technique. Creels have been preserved from the Me­ solithic Kongemose-culture in Denmark (60007-5200 BC), north-west Europe, and they were used by several ethnic gr­ oups in northern Laos, South-East Asia, in the 1940s (Izikowitz 1951:175). As in Sweden (north-west Europe) in the 20th century.

Lui kuduva

Another stationary fish trap is the lul kuduva. It is used in the wet season when the lullu are spawning, and after the roe is laid.

It is made out of divided kirival branches bound to a coni­ cally spiral, basket-like device, open at the base, closed at the top. Two sizes were shown us, one 0.2m long and 0.06m wide at the base; the other 0.4m long and 0.15m wide at the base. They were, of course, meant for fish of different size.

When a spawning pair is seen, the lul kuduva is placed at the bottom of the tank. The fish swims into it but cannot turn back as gills and fins are caught in the sides of the lul kuduva when it tries to back out.

The male lula will watch over the roe. Where a male with roe is observed, sticks are put vertically into the tank bed around the roe, leaving a small opening where the lul kuduva will be placed. The male, trying to save the roe, will swim into the lul kuduva, and is caught as described.

Our informant stated that he usually makes eight to ten lul kudu for a season. He will catch 20-25 lullu in this way.

No reference to the lul kuduva has been found in published material.

Net

Nets (data, vis id ala) are used in the water-filled tank. The nets in Talkote are of nylon, bought ready-made. They are stationary nets, as compared to the cast-net of the coasts. During the north-east monsoon they are placed in the tank, in water five to six foot deep, fastened vertically by two wooden posts. Sometimes a small raft (paruva) is used to go out to the tank. One net was said to catch a quarter to half the amount of fish given to each partaker in one day’s work with the karaka.

Siriweera calls our attention to nets being mentioned in the 5th century Samantapasadika text, and in the 13th century Saddharma-ratnavali. Whether cast or stationary nets are indi­ cated, or which part of the country is referred to, is not made clear however (Siriweera 1986:16-17).

According to Knox, fishing with nets was not important in the 17th century in the part of Sri Lanka he knew (Knox 1981:142). There is no reference to fishing with nets in the mid-19th century text by Tennent. Samuel Baker writes how­ ever from his mid-19th century horizon : "Every little boy of ten years old along the coast is an adept in throwing the casting-net." (Baker 1983 (1855):199). Parker mentions that it is only among the (east) coast Vaddas that nets are used, around the turn of the century (Parker 1981(1909):51).

It is not known however whether stationary nets are a quite recent introduction in our study area.

Hook

Steel-hooks (bilikokka) on strings are used in tanks and in the stream/canal the year round, where there is sufficient water. The hooks are bought. Angling is an individual undertaking and the fish caught is meant for immediate consumption.

Siriweera refers to the 5th century Samantapasadika and the medieval text, Saddharmalankara, as mentioning hooks for fishing (Siriweera 1986:16-17). Knox has no reference to hooks. Tennent states in the mid-19th century : "As anglers, the native Singhalese exhibit little expertness..." (Tennent 19- 77(1859): 173). According to Parker, it is at the turn of the century that only the Low-country Sinhalese and the Tamils use the fish-hook, whereas it is not used by the Vaddas, the Vannis or most of the Kandyan Sinhalese (Parker 1981(19- 09):51-52).

We do not know if angling was introduced in our study area in modern times.

Kastana patiya

The kastana patiya was another fishing device used in the water-filled tank in Talkote. It is a flat iron blade ca 0.75m long, fastened to a wooden shaft. The fish approaching the surface are knocked and killed by the iron blade.

No reference to the kastana patiya has been found in the literature.

Appendix: Animals Used in the Household Domesticated animals eaten

Buffaloes: sold to Muslims, meat bought from them, horns used.

Cows etc: sold to Muslims, meat and hides bought from them.

Goats: slaughtered by male family member or good hunter from the village, meat eaten, skins for womens’ New Year drums.

Poultry: sold or slaughtered by male family member, meat eaten, eggs sold or eaten.

Animals caught: (usage and trapping/hunting devices) Avicciya (Indian Pitta, Pitta brachyura brachyura (Linna­ eus): Comes during Maha season. Eaten, or sold as a pet. Kudaya.

Batagoya (Ceylon Yellow-legged Green Pigeon, Trero p- hoenicoptera phillipsi): Meat eaten. Gun, galdunrta.

Dandulena (Giant squirrel, Genus Ratufa): Meat eaten. Gun, or caught by 3-4 dogs when running.

Girava (Parrot fam. Psittacidae): Kept as pet or sold. Gira tonduva.

Gona (Sambhur, Elk, Cervus unicolor unicolor)'. Meat eaten, hides (drums) used, horns used or sold. Gun, bandina tuvakkuva, boruvala, uladamilla.

Hava (The Ceylon Black-naped Hare, Lepus nigricollis singhala): Meat eaten. Habaka, hadala.

Hotambuva (The Ceylon Ruddy Mongoose, Herpestes smithii zeylanicus): Meat eaten. Gun, dogs.

lbba (tortoise): Meat eaten. By hand.

Ittava (The Indian Crested Porcupine, Hystrix indica): M- eat eaten, quills sold. Kaballa ugula, smoked out from den killed with a wooden stick or axe, boruvala, bandina tuvak­ kuva, gun, madu yedima.

Kaballava (Indian pangoline, Manis crassicaudata): Meat eaten. Kaballa ugula, smoked out from den; killed with wo­ oden stick or axe.

Kalavadda (Palmcat or Polecat, Genus paradoxurus): M- eat eaten. Killed by dogs at night.

Kobeiya (pigeon, Fam. Columbidae)'. Meat eaten. Gun, net, valikukul ugula, kudaya, galdunna.

Kotiya (The Common Indian Leopard, Panthera pardus fused)'. Dried meat for medical purposes (to cure "adum skin sold. Gun, bandina tuvakkuva, habaka, boruvala.Lena (squirrel, Genus funambulus): Meat eaten or given to dogs/cats. Len ugula, galdunna.

Miminna (Mouse-deer, Tragulus meminna): Meat eaten. Gun, bandina tuvakkuva, boruvala, dogs, uladamilla.

Miya (rat): Given to cat/dogs. Mi habaka, poison. Monara (Common Peafowl, Pavo cristatus): Meat eaten.

Valikukul ugula, gun.

Rilava (Red Monkey, Macaca sinica sinica): Meat eaten. Rila ugula I and II.

Talagoya (iguana): Meat eaten. Killed by dogs, eaten by men, goymanda killed with wooden sticks, madu yedima kil­ led with wooden sticks.

Titmuva (deer, Sub-family Cervinae): Meat eaten, hides used (drums). Gun, bandina tuvakkuva, boruvala, uladamilla.

Urulava (The Ceylon Small Civet-cat, Viverricula indica mayori): Meat eaten. Bandina tuvakkuva, dogs.

Vandur a (The Ceylon Grey Langur, Semnopithecus pr- iam thersites): Meat eaten. Rila ugula on fence.

Valaha (The Ceylon Sloth Bear, Melursus ursinus inor- natus): Fat used for medical purposes, skin sold. Gun, bandina tuvakkuva, habaka.

Valikukula (Ceylon Junglefowl, Gallus lafayetti)'. Meat e- aten. Valikukul ugula, gun.

Vai miharaka (Water Buffalo, wild, Bubalus bubalis bu- balis)'. Tamed or meat eaten, horns used. Caught in kraal {gala) or by tying the varamanda, or by net made of rope.

Vai ura (The Indian Wild Boar, Sus scrofa cristatus): Meat eaten. Gun, bandina tuvakkuva, boruvala (of several kinds), urumanda.

Valimuva (Barking deer, Muntiacus muntjak malabar- icus): Meat eaten, hides used (drums). Gun, bandina tuvak­ kuva, boruvala, uladamilla.

Fish caught: (fishing devices used)

Ada (Anda? eel, Genus auguilla): Kudaya, kemana, kastana patiya.

Ankutta (Macrones keletius): Kudaya, hook.

Hirikanaya (Labeo dussumieri (Valeniiennes)): Karaka, kemana, net, hook.

Humga (Stinging catfish, Heteropneustes fossilis): Kud­ aya, hook.

Kanaya: Kudaya, kemana.

Kokasa (Ompok-bimaculatas (Bloch) Siluridae): In Aug­ ust Karaka. In rainy season net, kemana, kastana patiya.

Koraliya (small) theppiliya (big) (Pearl spot, Etroplus su- ratensis): Karaka, kemana, kastana patiya, visidala.

Lula (Snakehead, Ophicephalus striatus): "Baby lulla" by the kudaya, big lulla by the kemana, karaka, net, in Septem­ ber: lul kuduva (caught while watching the spawn).

Madara: "Baby" Madaras by the kudaya, big Madaras by the kemana, karaka, in September: lul kuduva (caught while watching the spawn).

Magura (Clarias teysmanni brachysoma (Gunther)): Ku­ daya, kemana, hook. (Poisonous sting).

Mai koraliya (Etroplus suratensis (Bloch)): Karaka, ku­ daya, hook, kastana patiya, net.

Petty a: (Puntius, Barbus (-Puntius) Spp.): Karaka, ku­ daya, kemana, net, kastana patiya.

Teliya: (Spine eel, Mastacembulus). Kudaya, hook. Tittaya (Panchax melastigma (Maclelland)): Kudaya,

kemana.

Valigouva (Lepidocephalus jonklasi Deraniyagala): K- araka, kudaya, kemana or net. Net: April to July.

Karaka, Kudaya: July to August. Hook: Year round.

Kastanapatiya: Rainy season (north-east monsoon). Kemana: Rainy season (north-east monsoon). Lul-kuduva: Rainy season (north-east monsoon). Poison (kalavalmul-xQQt): Dry season (approximately Ju­ ly to September).

Animals which are not eaten as food according to the informants

Bear (used for medical purposes) Dog

Domesticated cat Elephant

Kabaragoya (Monitor lizard) Leopard (used for medical purposes) Rat

Snakes

REFERENCES

Fernando, C.H. 1990. Freshwater Fauna and Fisheries of Sri Lanka. Colombo: NARES A.

Phillips, W.W.A. 1980. (2nd rev. ed.). Manual of the Mam­ mals in Sri Lanka. Part II. Colombo: Wildlife and Nature Protection Society.

Phillips, W.W.A. 1984. (2nd rev. ed.). Manual of the Mam­ mals in Sri Lanka. Part III. Colombo: Wildlife and Nature Protection SocietyREFERENCES

Fernando, C.H. 1990. Freshwater Fauna and Fisheries of Sri Lanka. Colombo: NARES A.

Phillips, W.W.A. 1980. (2nd rev. ed.). Manual of the Mam­ mals in Sri Lanka. Part II. Colombo: Wildlife and Nature Protection Society.

Phillips, W.W.A. 1984. (2nd rev. ed.). Manual of the Mam­ mals in Sri Lanka. Part III. Colombo: Wildlife and Nature Protection Society