Search Results

PRIYANTHA KARUNARATNE This is a report of the excavation carried out at Ibbankatuva, in Dambulla, situated within the Matale district. This site was first thought to be only a megalithic tradition settlement site. But from the data retrieved from the excavations, it was found that there are Early Historic settlement cultural layers overly­ ing the protohistoric settlement layers. This is the first protohistoric village settlement ever ex­ cavated in Sri Lanka. The Anuradhapura Gedige excavation was of an early urban centre. Layer 3a at the Anuradhapura Gedige excavation consisted of megalithic habitation remains (Deraniyagala 1972: 122). Location Ibbankatuva lies 3km from Dambulla on the Colombo - Trin- comalee highway. The site, which is approximately 300m off the road, can be approached on foot. The Dambulu Oya flows within 250m of the site. The site The excavation site lies within a coconut plantation. Pot­ sherds are scattered in plenty on the surface of the soil, over an area of approximately 6ha. The potsherds have surfaced as a result of trenching for coconut cultivation, digging for ag­ riculture and erosion by rain. The site is situated on a slightly elevated area that slopes smoothly in every direction. The highest point of the area lies close to the centre of the settle­ ment. The sherds are more concentrated at the centre and lessen gradually towards the outer margins. The Ibbankatuva megalithic burial site is situated 500m west and shows similar physical features. Previous research The site was first discovered by the Cultural Triangle and the Kommissariat fur Allegemeine und Vergleichende Archao- logie (KAVA) exploration (Seneviratne 1990: 130) in 1988 and excavations were carried out in 1988, 1990 and 1991 March/April field seasons under the same projects. Evidence retrieved from the excavations show that this site was a pr­ otohistoric and Early Historic settlement site. Figure 8:1 Ibbankatuva-Polvatta settlement site with Dambulla rock in the distance. Foreground a small vava adjoining the settlement, after the monsoon rains. Photo: Maya Upananda. Present research Present research commenced in the season September to No­ vember 1991. A 10x8m trench was excavated. The entire area was re-explored and plotted. The context system was followed for the first time in this site. Previously the planum system was used for earlier excavations. This system is not suitable for sites that have more than one cultural phase. By using the context system a more accurate picture could be gained. The excavation was recorded under 50 contexts. Every cut, slot, deposit and structure was given a context number. A Harris matrix was constructed to show the stratigraphical se­ quence (Harris 1979). All related information was plotted and profiles were drawn. Bone, charcoal, soil and other relevant samples were taken for analysis. Pottery classification was done at the site. Rim sherds and any decorative motifs were drawn and copied. A complete ware analysis was done after the excavation (see Appendix I to Mogren: "Objectives” this volume). Three charcoal samples were sent to Sweden for 14C analysis. Settlement phases Two major settlement phases were identified from the ex­ cavations. The earliest habitation phase belonged to the pr- otohistoric period and the layers overlying these layers were of the Early Historic cultural phase. The protohistoric settlement phase From the data analysis of the first phase it could easily be accepted that the settlement site and the burial site are con­ temporaneous. The type of Black-and-Red Ware pottery fo­ und at this site is common to the megalithic sites of the Indian sub-continent. From the analysis of wares it was evident that these people had produced both Black-and-Red Ware as well as Red Ware pottery. There was more Red Ware than Black- and-Red Ware potsherds. These people had produced wheel- made as well as hand-made pottery. The finishing technology of the pottery was of a very high standard. Some graffiti symbols were also found on the potsherds. One of these is similar to a symbol that was found in Pomparippu (Sitram- palam 1990: 295). Very few iron objects were found. But from the iron slag remains which were recovered from the site, it is evident that this was an iron production site. Two spear heads, a knife blade and other unidentifiable artefacts were found. Copper and silver too, were found in the settlement site. Several types of beads, made out of various materials, were recovered. Am­ ong them, carnelian and onyx beads are significant in colour and shape. Various sizes of terracotta beads too, were recovered from this level. These finds support the idea that the people who lived in the megalithic context paid much attention to personal ornamentation. Although some evidence was found of the houses of this context in the March/April excavations, no evidence was re­ trieved during this field season. A considerable amount of cattle bones and other wild animal bones was also recovered. Some saddle querns and rubbing stones were found. Pieces of a pottery kiln with heaps of Black-and-Red Ware and Red Ware pottery were found from context 28. This points to the possibility that these people had been producing pottery at the site itself. Early Historic settlement phase It is clearly evident that the pottery had completely changed in type and ware from the protohistoric levels, with a very low percentage of Black-and-Red Ware pottery. Squat, short-necked storage vessels and round-necked tray bowls are significant in this layer. Several spouts and lids were recovered from this level. More than 90 % of the sherds are of Red Ware vessels. By comparison with pottery at other sites, this could be identified as an Early Historic settlement layer. The presence of resin coated buff ware (Persian wine jars) shows there had been links with foreign trade. Graphite co­ ated, silver coloured pottery and fine Gray Ware speak of the people who lived in the site as being an elite group. Glass artefacts, glass ornaments, such as beads and bangles, were also found. No evidence of glassware was found from the protohistoric layers of the settlement. Evidence of iron pr­ oduction during this period is very high. Pieces of slag from the bottom of a furnace were recovered. This will enable us to determine the size and shape of the furnace. These people built fairly strong houses, using granite, stone and clay. The thickness of the walls is approximately 30- 40cm. Many grinding stones were retrieved from this level. Terracotta discs, around 3-4cm in diameter, were recovered, clustered together. These were probably used for a kind of indoor game. Two terracotta dice were recovered from this level. Considered as a whole, the data from this site sets it apart as a habitation site of an elite group in a semi-urban society of the Early Historic period. 14C-Dating Three 14C-datings were made to determine the ages of the settlement site (see fig. 8:7 and "14C-datings" this volume). One of the oldest contexts, belonging to the megalithic cul­ ture, no. 28, has a calibrated age range from cumulative prob­ ability (using one sigma) of 436-226 BC (Ua 5566). When we look at the profiles of proto-and Early Historic layers of the Ibbankatuva settlement, it is obvious that there had been con­ tinuous habitation at this site through several centuries. The two other samples were taken from the latest deposits of the site. Context 16 and the nearly contemporary context 5 have calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability (using one sigma) of 347-534 AD (Ua 5565) and 311-483 AD (Ua 5564) respectively (see ',14C datings" this volume). Conclusions The above descriptions give a fair idea of the two major phases of the Ibbankatuva settlement site. But when we con­ sider the sudden disappearance of the protohistoric culture and the emergence of a new culture over it, there arise various questions which need to be answered. What type of people first inhabited the site? Where did they come from? Did they migrate along the perennial waterways, or did they belong to the native inhabitants who lived in the area from prehistoric times? How did they acquire the megalithic tradition? Did they bring it with them, or did they get it from another group of people who were practising this tradition? How long had they been settled in the settlement? Why did this settlement suddenly disappear with the advent of a new cultural tradi­ tion? Who were the new settlers? Where did they come from? Did these new settlers chase away the early inhabitants? Or did the new culture superimpose itself on the earlier one? If so, why was the earlier technology abandoned almost totally? Why are there no transitional forms of artefacts from proto to Early Historical types? How could we link this without writ­ ten historical sources? So, it is not easy to find answers to all these from the data revealed from the excavation. But if we discuss these problems on a theoretical basis, we may be able to conjecture how such things could happen to human societies. This report consists of only introductory data. A complete excavation report will be published after an in-depth study. REFERENCES: Deraniyagala, S. U. 1972. The Citadel of Anuradhapura, 1969: Excavations in the Gedige Area. Ancient Ceylon. 2\ 48-162. Harris, E.C. 1979. Principles of Archaeological Stratigraphy. London: Academic Press. Seneviratne, S. 1990. The Locational Significance of Early Iron Age Sites in Intermediary Transitional Eco-systems: A Preliminary Survey Study of the Upper Kala Oya Region. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dam- bulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR Sitrampalam, S.K. 1990. The Um Burial Site of Pomparippu of Sri Lanka - A Study. Ancient Ceylon. 7, Vol. 2: 263- 297.

RAJ SOMADEVA AND MANJULA KASTHURISINGHE Tammannagala site is situated about 1km west of Sigiriya rock, within the Sigiri Oya basin. This excavation site stands at the southern limit of Talkote village, which is situated about 1.5km north-west of the Sigiriya complex. Tammannagala rock. This site was first identified as a settlement during the Sig­ iriya Oya basin field exploration launched in 1988, at the outset of the SARCP fieldwork. It was recorded as SO. 5. At the time the site was first identified, a considerable amount of potsherds and a small amount of iron slags were observed scattered around the site. (Appendix to Mogren: "The Ar­ chaeology of Talkote" this volume.) Several ancient remains in the environs of the excavation site were identified through explorations in 1988-89. The ma­ jor finds among them are: the abandoned Talkote Ihalavava, situated about 50m north-west of the excavation (see fig. 7:2), the mins on a rocky outcrop 500m north, which can be conjec­ tured to be an ancient monastery(SO. 29); a small mined stupa, about 150m to the south-west (SO. 64); and the boulder called Pokunugala, about 50m to the north-west, which has a rockcut basin on top (SO. 59); (Appendix to Mogren: "The Archaeol­ ogy of Talkote" this volume). Surface evidence sufficient to establish tentative dating has not been found from any other site than the mined stupa. This evidence was a piece of brick with two letters which can be ascribed to the 7th-8th centuries. Excavation: This site (SO. 5); which was an abandoned chena at the time of identification in 1988, was re-explored in 1989 and it was subsequently decided to commence a test excavation. Three test pits were opened. The objective was to understand the connection between the vava and the selected settlement site. Test pits were numbered from west to east (see fig. 7:4). In 1989 four cultural layers were identified through the test excavations. A noteworthy factor was evidence of a prehis­ toric context in one layer. A piece of chert and a considerable amount of quartz, which could be waste material from the production of implements, were among the finds from the fourth layer of test pit 1 (see fig. 7:5) (Adikari unpubl:6). Adikari also identifies Tammannagala as an open air prehistoric site (See Adikari "Approaches" this volume). Another sample is provided by Adihetti to confirm the prehistoric na­ ture of Tammannagala. In the report on pit 3 (see fig. 7:7) of Tammannagala in 1989, she states that a piece of chert, a possible stone implement, was found from the third layer. (Adihetti, unpubl:9). Only two cultural layers were seen in test pit 2 (see: fig. 7:6). Both these layers yielded Middle and Late Historic cultural debris (Kasthurisinghe unpubl:2). Figure 7:1 Tammannagala in 1990. Excavation in progress. Photo: Mats Mogren. Figure 7:2 Map showing location of Tammannagala. Although excavations in the year 1989 were limited, the data unearthed in these excavations indicated that further in­ vestigation and attention should be paid to this site. An excavation on a large scale was carried out at Tamman­ nagala in 1990. An area of 20x10m, adjoining the western end of excavation pit 3 of 1989, was chosen for excavation. Figure 7:3 View from Tammannagala rock viewed north by north-east. At upper left, Talkote lhalavava. Excavation site on edge of picture, at right. Photo: Mats Mogren. Stratification: Except for the first layer which is described as the surface context, the other two main layers may be considered major settlement horizons. The fourth main layer is the bottom gravel. These layers are described from top to bottom. After analysis, the correlation between these layers will be des­ cribed under the context description. The relative chronology and other aspects of structural relationships etc. will be pre­ sented in a matrix chart at the end of the paper. The top soil, described as the surface context, had been disturbed to a depth of about 20cm, mainly as a result of chena cultivation. However, potsherds were found in considerable amounts in this layer. The layer was removed and sieved at the very outset of the excavation and the cultural debris was col­ lected. The second main layer of the site, described under context 6, has a maximum thickness of 28cm. A large amount of cultural debris was found in this layer, clear evidence of hu­ man activities. The distribution of cultural remains in this layer indicated the presence of such finds in larger quantities at the bottom of the layer. The third main layer is context 1. The majority of finds were in this layer. The layer is made of very dark, grayish-brown, gravelly soil (10 YR/3.2) with an east-to- north bedding direction. Besides density of cultural debris, several other factors also indicate human activities in this layer. Four post holes, indicated as contexts 16,17,18, and 4, are visible in the upper level of this layer. They reach down to the bottom gravel, described under context 9. There are also vertical marks running down to the bottom gravel from the surface level of the layer. They can be identified as marks of the root system of trees which have run deep into the ground. The fourth layer is a very hard layer, with a high content of gravel described under context 9. It consists of a large amount of quartz (7.5YR/5/6) but yields no cultural debris. The only evidence of human activities in this layer are the six post holes. These holes are described under context 21, 11, 10, 4,15, and 14. On close examination, it becomes clear that all these holes extend from the bottom of the layer above and penetrate this layer. Thus the human activities indicated by these post holes are not connected with the time span of the fourth layer. Pottery A considerable amount of potsherds was unearthed from the Tammannagala excavation. Jayaweera points out that these pottery pieces belong not only to various types, but various periods (Jayaweera unpubl.). In his general classification of pottery finds from the excavation at Tammannagala in 1989 and 1990, Jayaweera divides the pottery into several major categories, according to the nature of their wares. They are: 1. Black-and-Red Ware 2. RedWare 3. Red Ware (graphite coated) 4. Black Ware 5. Buff Ware He further points out that according to dating, pottery belonging to a period between the protohistoric and post- Polonnaruva, have been found at Tammannagala. Special finds Special finds in Tammannagala are diverse in medium. They can be classified into four major groups: rock, glass, clay and metal. A large number of clay discs was found. Bandar- anayake (1984) mentions that clay discs were found during excavations of the rampart and Summer palace of the Sigiriya complex, but was not able to ascertain what the discs were used for. Test pit no.3 of 1989 gave up a fragment of terracot­ ta, which could have been part of an animal figure. The special finds made of metal are iron nails, pieces of nails, a collection of unidentifiable iron fragments and a copper coin. The copper coin is badly defaced and cannot be dated, or its origin traced. The special finds made of rock were mainly beads, of various sizes. One quartz flake, possibly belonging to the Mesolithic period, was found in pit no.l in 1989. About 10 stone balls, about 5.6in. in diameter, were also found. Frag­ ments of glass were found too. But the original objects they came from could not be identified. Cultural sequence On a comparative study of the evidence confirming human activities and the quantitative distribution of cultural debris excavated, the cultural sequence of Tammannagala can be divided into three phases. Phase I An Early Settlement period (BRW, iron nails, paste beads). (14C dates: 288 AD) (context 27). Phase II Probably major habitation period (Plain Red Ware pottery, iron nails, iron slags, glass fragments, copper coin) C dates: 486 AD- 561 AD) (context 1). Phase III A later settlement period (iron slags, terracotta fragments, glass fragments) (14C dates: 833 AD- 940 AD) (context 8). Phase I This phase is evidenced by context 1 (third layer). All negative features from the excavation are found at the top of this context. Traces of charcoal and ash in some of the post holes and garbage pits; the variety of special finds and the fact that the next layer is bottom gravel, all indicate that this can be considered the earliest habitational layer at Tammannagala. Phase II This phase is shown by context 6. (Second layer) It yielded the second highest collection of artefacts. A garbage pit ori­ ginating at the surface of this context extends downwards, (context 24) Artefacts from this context include pottery pieces from the mid-Anuradhapura period and a coin, possibly of Roman origin. This layer contained a greater percentage of iron slag than the other layer. Phase III This is signified by context 2 (layer 1). It is not incorrect to describe this phase as the more recent of the three phases of Tammannagala. The artefacts are only potsherds. Recent ch- ena cultivation has disturbed the sequencing of the site, there­ fore sherds of several periods are mixed together. REFERENCES Adikari, G. The report of the preliminary excavation at Tam­ mannagala pit 1. Unpublished Preliminary Excavation R- eport. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No. 89/00. Adihetti, S. The report of the preliminary excavation at Tam­ mannagala pit.3. Unpublished Preliminary Excavation R- eport. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No. 89/002. Jayaweera, J.A.D.S. The report on pottery found from SA- RCP projects. Unpublished Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No. 89/234. Kasthurisinghe, M. The report of the preliminary excavation at Tammannagala pit.2. Unpublished Preliminary Exca­ vation Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No. 89/267. Figure 7:4 Site plan showing location of the 1989 test pits and 1990 trench Appendix: Context Description Context No. 1 The third main layer of the site and the principal cultural deposit represented by this context. This layer is very dark gray in colour (10YR/3.2.) with an east-north gradient. Context No. 2 Two post holes are described under this number. These two holes, 24cm apart, are situated towards the north-west of section ‘B’ of the excavation area, starting from the surface level of the third layer. The hole farther north was numbered context 2 A and that on the south context 2 B. Each post hole is approximately 30cm deep, with a diameter of about 22cm. No clear stratification is observed here. The post holes are filled with loose soil from context 1. A piece of an iron nail, 8cm long, was found near these holes. Context No. 3 Post holes on the eastern part of section ‘B’ of the excava­ tion areas are described under this number. These post holes, beginning from the surface level of context 1, have a diameter of 20cm and a depth of about 32cm. A piece of an iron nail, 6cm long, was found near these holes. No micro-stratification was found in this hole. Context No. 4 Another post hole, 24m away and to the right of context 3, is described under this number. As in the other post holes described above, this too begins from the surface of context 1. It is 28cm in diameter and 29cm in depth. A broken piece of an iron nail was found 20cm east of this post hole. Context No. 5 The post hole in sub-square 101/301 of the excavation area is indicated under this context. The diameter of the top is 28cm and the depth nearly 30cm. This post hole too, begins from context 1 and goes down to context 9. A 7cm long piece of an iron nail was found 10cm south-west of this hole. A piece of an iron knife blade, about 10cm long, was also found close by. Context No. 6 As described above, the second main layer of the site is represented by this number. This is a dark brown layer (7.5- YR/14.4) with a maximum thickness of 28cm and a minimum thickness of 10cm. It takes an east-south bedding direction. Context No. 7 A structure made of granite rubble, found between context 6 and context 1, is described under context 7. This structure is of four pieces of stone lined up in a rectangular shape. It is 90x20cm. No evidence has been found to establish the pur­ pose for which it was made. It is possible that they are pieces of stone which were put into the post holes belonging to context 1, at the time the posts were installed in the holes, to keep them in position. Context No. 8 This number was used to indicate a dark, spotted area of soil observed during the excavation. This dark patch was fou­ nd on the surface level of the third layer. It was excavated lengthwise, to examine the nature of the spots. It was ob­ served, when their cross sections were examined, that the spots ran deep, like holes. Potsherds, pieces of iron nail and several pieces of iron slags were discovered in this area. Since this spotted area does not show a structural relationship to any other part, no evidence was yielded to decide the nature of the activity involved. However, it is possible to conjecture that the dark colour represents decaying organic residue. Context No. 9 As described above, the fourth main layer is described under this context. No cultural debris is found here. It is a very hard layer, with a large amount of quartz pieces. A strong brown layer. (7.5./YR/5/6). Context No. 10 A post hole found in the area belonging to sub-square 104/299 of the third layer. This is situated at a level 20cm below the surface of the post hole described under context 4. It is 28cm in diameter and 22cm in depth. Context No. 11 A granite structure situated in context 1, described under Context 11. This structure is formed by a few pieces of granite placed in a circular design. The soil inside the structure is darker in colour than the surrounding soil. (SY/3/R1). Cultural debris was found in considerable quantity around, and impor­ tent items were iron slag and potsherds. Evidence to conjecture the practical use of this structure was not sufficient however. Context No. 12 A large termite hill on context 6 is described under this context. Found at the south-west comer of the excavation area. Context No. 13 A garbage pit found at the eastern corner on the south boundary of the excavation area, described under this context. This garbage pit begins from the surface level of context 1, cutting through context 9. The soil near this pit is dark black in colour and silty at the bottom. The earth inside is softer than in other parts of the layer. A considerable amount of ash inside the pit indicates that fires may have been made inside it, or burnt matter thrown into it. It is devoid of any cultural finds. Context No. 14 A garbage pit found on the southern boundary of the ex­ cavation area is presented under this context. It has been dug from the surface level of context 1 and runs up to context 9. The colour of the earth inside the pit is much darker than the soil layer into which it was dug. No cultural finds were dis­ covered. Context No. 15 A structure which can be conjectured as a post hole, found on the right bank of the excavation area, is presented under this context. It has been made from the surface level of context 1. The surface diameter of the pit is about 10.6cm. No cultural objects were found. Context No. 16 A structure which can be conjectured as a post hole, found on the southern section of the excavation area, is described under this context. It has been dug from the surface level of context 1. The mouth is about 20cm in diameter. The soil at the bottom of the post hole is somewhat clayey. A few pieces of pottery were found. Figure 7:9 a-h Soil profiles, (a) west bank section; (b) west bank, northern section; (c) north bank; (d) east bank, northern section; (e) east bank, southern section• Context No. 17 A structure which may be considered a garbage pit, found on the right bank of the excavation area. It has been dug from the surface level of context 1 and runs up to context 9. The surface diameter is 46cm and the depth about 50cm. The soil inside the pit is very dark, compared to the layer in which it is situated. Only a few pieces of pottery were found as cultural debris. Context No. 18 A garbage pit-like structure on the southern sector of the excavation area, dug from the surface level of context 1, run­ ning up to context 9. The soil inside was slightly dry. A few pieces of pottery were found inside. Context No. 19 A trace of another garbage pit, its mouth about 40cm in diameter and about 60cm deep, is described under this context. This too was dug from the surface level of context 1, on the west bank of the southern sector of the excavation area. A small amount of charcoal was found in this pit. There is clear indication that a fire had been made. A few pieces of pottery were the cultural finds. Context No. 20 A termite hill on the west bank of the excavation area. This starts from the surface of context 1 and runs deep, cutting through context 9. It is about 70cm deep and about 30cm wide. The fact that this termite hill started from context 1, makes it possible to conjecture that it was built during the period when this context formed the surface of the site. The soil of the termite hill is extremely hard. Figure 7:10 Context matrix chart of1990 excavation. Context No. 21 It is uncertain whether this context is a trace of a post hole or the decayed root of a tree. It was possible to identify this trace when a ditch was dug connecting the south-west comers in the southern sector of the excavation area. It extends from context 1 up to context 9. The diameter of the mouth is 20cm. Context No. 22 A piece of iron slag of about 15cm diameter on the third layer, its shape indicating that it had been poured into a shal­ low depression. The piece of slag most probably derives from a smithy. This piece of iron slag was found in sub-square 101/300 in the southern sector of the excavation area. Context No.23 A possible garbage pit, found on the eastern bank of the southern sector of the excavation area. This trace begins from the surface of context 1 and extends up to context 9. The diameter of the mouth is 22cm and its depth about 25cm. This structure is filled with black soil. The soil at the bottom is slightly clayey. No cultural remains were found. Context No. 24 A structure which can be conjectured as a garbage pit, found in the southern cross-section of the balk dividing north and south of the excavation area. The traces of this structure start from the surface level of context 1 and extend up to context 9. The soil inside the structure has a higher composi­ tion of sand. It is about 1 meter and 10cm wide and 70cm deep. No cultural debris was found inside. Context No. 25 A structure that can be conjectured as a garbage pit, found in the southern sector of the excavation area. This structure is about 40cm wide and 95cm deep, the deepest garbage pit found at the Tammannagala excavation site. It is in the imme­ diate vicinity of the garbage pit described under context 24, which is situated to its right. The fill is very dark and no cultural debris was found there. Context No. 26 A trace of a garbage pit in sub-square 102/307 in the southern sector of the excavation area. It seems to have been dug from context 1. The diameter of the mouth is 66cm and the depth about 65cm. No cultural debris was found there. Context No. 27 A structure found within the excavation is a dark patch of soil, extending with a north-west, south-east orientation in the northern sector of the excavating area. It is lm wide and 60cm deep. Excavations were done up to 3m to investigate further. The soil is soft and dark black and at the bottom consists of sand with a high level of moisture. After excavating to bottom level, it was observed that it resembled a small canal, the bottom having a slope of about 10° toward the west. The striking difference in this context is that it yielded cultural debris in considerable numbers. Among them were iron slag and other unidentifiable pieces of iron. Several disks made of clay in various sizes and large quantities of potsherds were found there. It is possible to consider it a drain built for the drainage of water or a similar purpose. Context No. 28 A layer situated 2m from the northern and eastern boun­ daries of the northern sector of the excavation area. It extends for about 8m. This context belongs to the interface between context 6 and context 1 of the site. A slightly sandy, brown layer. A considerable amount of potsherds found here. Context No.29 The layer situated below the termite hill described under context 12, at the south-west comer on the southern boundary of the excavation area. It is stratigraphically connected to con­ text 1. A few pieces of pottery were found there. Context No. 30 The bottom surface of context 27 is described under this context. This is a slight layer of sandy soil, dark brown in colour. Several potsherds were found from this context. This layer is physically located under context 27.

MATS MOGREN Settlement patterns The concept of settlement patterns, when encountered in the reality of field research, is one of the most elusive concepts in archaeology. In South Asia, for want of detailed field data (systematic field surveys), the settlement patterns have most­ ly been studied in macro-scale, using the often rather arbitrary information at hand (Perera 1978; Bandaranayake 1988; Ray 1989; to give a few good examples). This is not to say that these macro-scale studies are in any way dispensable. On the contrary. The methodological value of an article like Perera’s (leaving aside his somewhat uncriti­ cal speculations on how to interpret the correlations), which compares the density of irrigation tanks and inscription sites with the arable soils of Sri Lanka, is very high and a correct point of departure for future in-depth studies. Bandaranayake (1988) has pursued this line of study to the best possible result with the given material. However, one could and should question whether irriga­ tion tanks and (even more so) inscription sites are represen­ tative of a general settlement density in ancient times. They are features dependant on specific ecological and socio-political circumstances. The argument changes nothing, though, regarding the methodological value, since these specific features may be replaced by any suitable data unit at hand, e.g. pottery sites distribution. One very good example of a study taken from the South Asian context, using this unit of analysis at a medium scale, is Makkhan Lal’s dissertation Settlement History and Rise of Civilization in Ganga-Yamuna Doab (from 1500 B.C. to 300 A.D.) (1984). Lal bases his thesis on his own explorations in Kanpur district, Uttar Pradesh (more than thirteen times larger than the SARCP study area) and uses an ecological approach to investigate the settlement distribution. His catalogue com­ prises 150 sites. In the Lankan context, this has been attempted on a me­ dium scale by Ragupathy (1987), who found that certain ec­ onomic and technological variables, viewed diachronically, might reverse the correlation found by Perera. Where settle­ ment sites and pottery chronologies were the units of analysis used, the red loam of the interior of the Jaffna peninsula was found to be the last area of the region under study to be settled (Ragupathy 1987:138). Figure 6:1 Talkote study area. Map showing distribution and approximate sizes of sites. Even though SARCP is not modelled on Ragupathy’s wo­ rk in any way, his study has several traits in common with our project. Firstly, his point of departure, just as in SARCP, is a true source-critical view of written sources, i.e. a perception of the inherent bias of the very few written sources available, which necessitates archaeological investigations to gain any substantial knowledge. Secondly, he is also using an ecologi­ cal approach, correlating settlement distribution to available water resources, degree of salinity etc. Thirdly, Ragupathy clearly realized the necessity for using the absolute dating methods of the applied natural sciences for a true understanding of chronologies in Jaffna (Ragupathy 1987:9) but unfortunately resources in that field were not available to him. Instead, he used a pottery chronology, based on wares and elaborated by form types. We also believe that the study of wares is the correct starting-point for pottery analysis (see Appendix I to Mogren: "Objectives” this vol­ ume). Since the Jaffna study is the only true micro or medium region settlement study carried out in the island prior to the outset of SARCP, it is the only study with which we can make comparisons, and it would certaintly be of interest to discuss the similarities and dissimilarities of the results of the two projects in more detail than can be attempted here. The Jaffna district, Ragupathy’s area of study, is roughly twice the size of our study area; and the area covered by intense field-walking in the Sigiriya-Dambulla region roughly equates the area of Kayts island (Velanai). During 1988-1991 we had registered 77 settlement sites, indicated by pottery scattered on the surface in that area. Ab­ out 70 of these can be tentatively regarded as being non-urban (see discussion below). A total of 152 sites has been registered a few also outside the intense field-walking area (Manatunga 1990, Wickremesekara 1990 and annexure to this article). Out of these, 145 were previously unknown to the scientific body. The number will certainly rise considerably with future fie­ ldwork. The chief well known archaeological sites of the reg­ ion, like Sigiriya, Dambulla, Pidurangala, Ramakale, Manikdena, Kaludiyapokuna, Lenadora, Ambulambe, Kot- galkanda, Enderagala, Malasna, Magallena, Nagalavava, Potana and Ibbankatuva, as well as the bulk of inscription sites such as Kandalama, Vayaulpota and Beliyakanda, are not in­ cluded in this number. Ragupathy’s catalogue numbers 41 sites in the entire Jaf­ fna district. It is evident that he is aware of many more sites in the study area than those published in his catalogue, yet he chooses to present only 41 sites in a dissertation on settlement archaeology. First of all, it is a matter of principles in site designation. Obviously he has chosen to designate only the large pottery sites as settlements, but even if we take that into consideration, the number seems small. What could be the reason for the disparity in patterns? We are not familiar either with the physical landscape of Jaffna or the research layout of Ragupathy’s project, so any conclusions must be very tentative, but it might be of some pedagogical value to attempt a comparison. Had Jaffna been thinly populated in antiquity? With cer­ tainty, no. The area’s position, at the crosspoint of Indian Ocean communication routes, rules that out. Furthermore, a site like Kantarotai necessitates an agrarian population with a high carrying capacity. The answer will probably be found in the combination of Ragupathy’s resources, which he clearly states were very lim­ ited (we presume that he had to concentrate on the major settlement sites of the district) and the degree of demographic and exploitative pressure on land in the two regions. Ragupathy states several times in his dissertation that sites were seriously threatened or even cut away before his eyes, during the years of fieldwork in the early 80’s. This is really small wonder in a densly populated and circumscribed area like the peninsula. Happily the situation in the Sigiriya-Dam- bulla region is different. Here a great deal of the archaeological landscape has been preserved, owing to the comparatively low pressure on land until now; but the situation will probably change for the worse in this area too, in the not too distant future. There is yet another aspect which might be worth taking into consideration. Hypothetically, there might have been dif­ ferent patterns of residential stability in the two regions. The passage from Knox - quoted in Myrdal’s article on food pro­ curement, this volume - refers to the frequent movements of settlement sites, for reasons such as people being struck by illness at one site, and so on, and could prove to have serious source-critical implications. As also discussed by Myrdal, the small pottery sites found in our area (as described in the se­ quel), could be the result of such movements. Perhaps an entire cluster of sites was formed by settlement shifts of just one small residential group, within the time-span of one or two generations. Alternatively, the pattern in our area might be due to a specific settlement pattern with satellite hamlets, with perhaps only a few households in each, located around a few larger villages, a pattern resembling that which can be studied in parts of the mountainous areas of the island today (Yalman 1967:27-29, 38). The implications of this are that, in antiquity, the total demographic pressure on land in two different areas such as the Jaffna peninsula and the ‘Sigiri Bim’, need not have dif­ fered. We are not in a position to draw any valid conclusions from our present state of knowledge, but this discussion sh­ ould be kept alive for future research in settlement archaeol­ ogy. These source-critical considerations seem to give the student a rough correlation (positive or negative) between the number, density and distribution of settlement sites and the resource input (the more manpower in surveying, the more sites), the destruction of sites due to pressure on land and the so far unknown degree of residential stability and settlement patterns in different areas. Although our research is providing us with a voluminous data base on settlements in the spatial sense, we cannot des­ cribe the settlement pattern of the ‘Sigiri Bim’ yet. What is needed, above anything else, is a valid artefact chronology, based on absolute datings. The Anuradhapura Gedige excava­ tions (Deraniyagala 1972,1986,1990; Coningham 1990) have had as one of their primary objectives the establishing of a pottery chronology. With up to nine meter-thick deposits th­ ere, and the controlled stratigraphy at hand, no site could b( better suited to achieve such a goal. But the Gedige represent; only one very specific social milieu and the results from then have to be supplemented by pottery chronologies from dif ferent rural sites, - like, for example Tammannagala, and lb bankatuva-Polvatta. The stratigraphic sequences at these sites an shorter, so a number of sites, representing different periods an( different social milieus, must be investigated. An analysi: based on wares was carried out in March 1992, during : pottery workshop at the PGIAR, and continued in the follow ing seven weeks, providing us with good and reliable data (set Appendix to Mogren: "Objectives" this volume). The Talkote survey The first attempt to work intensively with settlement structun on a true micro-level, was carried out in and around th- village of Talkote, just north-west of the Sigiriya complex Results of the surveys and test excavations are given below One of the test-excavated sites, Tammannagala (SO. 5), wa chosen for a large scale excavation and will be reported o separately. The results from the ethno-archaeological studie carried out in Talkote, and the results concerning irrigatior are presented in two articles by Myrdal (this volume) as well as in a forthcoming monograph. Readers are urged to aquaint themselves with these texts, to get the total view of the ar­ chaeology of Talkote. Figure 6:2 Talkote study area. Map showing distribution of different site types. When deciding to postpone fieldwork in peripheral areas (see Mogren: "Objectives" this volume) and concentrate on an intensive study of one part of the core area around Sigiriya, the choice of Talkote village was a fairly easy one. Accessibility, good personal contacts in the village and an intention to test exploration techniques in a predominantly tank-irrigated area, were decisive factors. In contrast to Lal’s and Ragupathy’s studies, the Talkote survey is micro-scale. The chosen area comprises about 8km" and is roughly delineated by a line running from Pidurangala rock south-westward to the north-west comer of the inner rampart of the Sigiriya complex; and from there along the western moat/rampart-system up to the vicinity of the rest house; on to the Talkote-Kimbissa road just southwest of Ahalagalavava; roughly northwards, west of the Talkote Ih- alavava and Dikkandavava and following the watershed be­ tween the catchments of Talkote and Avudamgava; up to the latitude of the Pahala Talkotevava paddy fields, including these and the paddy fields of Siyambalankoratuvavava, touch­ ing the paddy fields of the Pahala Pidurangalavava; and then roughly south by south-east back to Pidurangala rock (see fig. 6:1 and 6:2). The most important natural feature of the area is the Sigiri Oya, as the upper Yan Oya is named in this area. It flows roughly south-north for about 3km and is dammed by the bund of the largest tank of the chosen area, the Talkote Pahalavava. The rain water falling in the catchment is also collected in a number of tanks of lesser extent (see below). While lacking reliable datings, it is nearly impossible to construct a model for the settlement development of the reg­ ion. Thus any discussion based on our available material must be considered as very sketchy and tentative. There are, how­ ever, a few conspicuous patterns worth mentioning. The 55 sites of the Talkote area may be tentatively sub­ divided into seven main groups (note that three sites SO. 22-24 are recorded with both group 1 and group 2, that one site SO. 5, is recorded with both group 1 and group 3 or 4 (see below) and that group 2 possibly should be grouped with group 4). The sub-division is not in any sense absolute, as will be shown by the following: 1. "Prehistoric" sites, i.e. sites with a fair amount of lithic artifacts (5 sites). 2. Pottery sites in a stream bed context (6 sites). 3. Pottery sites in a tank context (16 sites). 4. Pottery sites in an urban context (12 sites). 5. Other sites in an urban context (2 sites). 6. Pottery sites in a monastic context (3 sites). 7."Monastic" sites, i.e. sites with stupa ruins and/or stone pillars (16 sites). Prehistoric sites SO. 5, SO. 22-24, SO. 35: The five sites with remains of a lithic technology, i.e. implements and quartz and/or chert waste, must be seen in a somewhat wider context. We may presume that they belong to a nomadic, or semi-sedentary hunter-gatherer culture and thus dependent on quite a dif­ ferent set of allocational factors than those determining the spatial pattern of a sedentary, agricultural society. Such a wider view will be presented by Adikari (this volume). Here it will have to be sufficient to mention something about the co-occurrence of lithic artifacts and pottery in the stream bed sites of the area. Pottery sites in stream bed context SO. 22-24, SO. 38, SO. 52, SO. 58: Whereas the tiny pottery fragments at the rock-face site of Millagala (SO. 35) are easily explained as contamination from the adjacent pottery site SO. 36 (see discussion on the nature of quartz flakes in sites connected to iron production, below), the co-occurrence of quartz, chert and pottery in the stream bed of the Sigiri Oya (SO. 22-24) requires more in-depth analysis. SO. 22 is more complex than the others; there is a lot of brick scattered in the area from a structure that has been cut through by the Sigiri Oya, and adjacent are also the remains of a possible ford-construction in the old stream bed. It is prob­ able that both these structures relate to the Sigiriya complex. Some of the pottery, however, has an ‘EHP-look’, as is the case at SO. 23. Of course this requires further analysis and certainly also excavation, but hypothetically we may assume that these stream bed sites represent a stage in development preceding the mature, tank-centred society. (On the other ha­ nd, the pottery from the fairly well dated ‘model gamgoda’ site Tammannagala (SO. 5) resembles to some extent the pot­ tery of SO. 22-23.) The fact that lithic material is mixed with pottery in these sites is most interesting. Several possible explanations can be given for this, but valid answers cannot be obtained without a larger excavation. If it is not a case of contamination, the sites have had obvious advantages to both prehistoric and protohistoric/Early Historic man and may thus represent a kind of continuity. It would also be useful to investigate further whether lithic technology had been used to some extent by the earliest sedentary society too: an explanation that is given some support by the fact that these sites differ very much from the other known sites with lithic material, regarding their topographical setting. At present the discovery of the stream-bed sites has brought up more ques­ tions than answers, but they may also provide a possible key to the problem of the protohistoric/Early Historic transition phase in the area. A word of caution: the effect of erosion on the deposits along the stream has not been studied, so speculation around these sites must be seen as hypothetical only. Three other sites of the area have been designated as ha­ ving a stream-bed context, but they differ very much from the sites discussed above. Sites SO. 58, close to the bridge at Talkote (and close to SO. 24), and SO. 52, in the northernmost part of the chosen area of exploration, are not even situated directly on the stream bed, even though they are closer to the stream than to any known tank of the area. They also differ in pottery assemblage and lack lithic material. SO. 38 may also be grouped with these sites, even though it is situated directly on the stream bed. Hypothetically, these sites, all of them minor in extent, represent single homesteads, short move­ ments of residence, as suggested above, or maybe (in the case of SO. 38) field huts (see discussion on SO. 68-69 and SO. 78 below) and may thus be left out of the general discussion on the settlement structure and its development. Pottery sites in a tank context SO. 3-7, SO. 28, SO. 31-32, SO. 39, SO. 46-48, SO. 50, SO. 55, SO. 78: Of the 15 pottery sites designated as tank context sites, 12 have a direct relation to one of the known tanks of the area. The 12 directly tank-related settlement sites are: Talkote Pahalavava: SO. 6, SO. 46, SO. 48 Talkote Ihalavava: SO. 5 Halmillavava: SO. 32 Dikkandavava: SO. 31 Siyambalankoratuvavava: SO. 50, SO. 55 (SO. 7, see below) Ahalagalavava: SO. 3, SO. 4 Palugaha-alavava: SO. 39, SO. 47 The sites SO. 6, 5, 32, 31 and 4 conform exceedingly well to a pattern with a settlement site at one end of a tank bund. Applying the ‘gamgoda-dagaba-vava-yaya-hena’ model as described by Perera (1978:66) and Madduma Bandara (19- 85:103), these sites must be considered as typical gamgoda, but SO. 5 has certain chronological traits that may group it with the urban sites. If we assume that the gamgoda position represents a ‘normal’ pattern, we have to try to explain the ‘anomalous’ sites that do not conform. SO. 46 is a minor site on sloping, non arable ground. It must be remembered that we do not know the full extent of site SO. 6, which is assumed to be the main settlement: the gamgoda, related to Talkote Pahalavava. SO. 46 and SO. 48, which seem to relate to a vav kotuva, the ‘three-family-tank’ of Kotalahimbutugahavava, might have been parts of a very large settlement site, similar to SO. 5 that covers 70000 - 80000m2. It is also not improbable that a micro-tank like Kotalahim­ butugahavava has not had any related settlement at all, a so- called olagam vava (see Myrdal this volume). Furthermore, we do not know the relative chronology of either tanks or settlements (with the exception of SO. 5). SO. 46 may be part of the older strata of a large-size SO. 6, that has been exposed by erosion. The only plausible conclusion we can draw at present is that SO. 48 seems to be older than Kotalahimbutugahavava, since the high-water mark of this vav kotuva seemingly cuts the site into two separate portions. SO. 3 seems to relate to Ahalagalavava, though not as clearly as SO. 4, east of the tank. The tank seems too small to be able to support twin settlements, so we may have to reckon with a shift of the gamgoda at some time. A certain regard must be paid to the proximity of the stupa site SO. 64. There may be other allocational factors still unknown, since the area south-west of SO. 3 has still not been subject to a detailed survey. Site SO. 78 is situated in and around the Vanni Hamige Amuna, north of Ahalagalavava. Very little is known about it and it might possibly be the result of a field hut connected to the Amuna, but the functional connection to the small reser­ voir has not been established. The most conspicuous anomalies from the model occur in the case of Siyambalankoratuvava; the two pottery sites SO. 50 and SO. 55, which seem to relate to the tank, are situated ‘behind’ the tank. Before proceeding any further, however, we must discuss the matter from a source-critical standpoint. First of all, the entire area is covered with dense scrub, making any exploration impossible except along footpaths and open ch- enas. We cannot even grasp the full extent of the tank itself. Not having found the bund limits, we do not know whether gamgoda sites in the model position really exist, or not. SO. 50 may be such a model gamgoda, but such a hypothesis requires further extensive surveying. Furthermore, we know nothing about the development of the tank. It might have been of smaller extent originally, so that SO. 7 fits into an earlier model position. This pottery site resembles SO. 56 (see below, under monastic context) in that its pottery is found in the bund fill of the tank. Hence SO. 7 could have been a settlement antedaing the tank altogether. The Talkote gammandiya has also been designated as a site (SO. 28). It does not fit into any of the tentative groups of this discussion, but since it is known to have been the site of a wet-rice cultivating settlement, it has been grouped with the tank context sites. Lawrie, in his A Gazetteer of the Central Province of Ceylon, records two villages, Pahala Talkote and Ihala Tal­ kote. Pahala Talkote is mentioned as deserted, whereas Ihala Talkote, or just Talkote, is mentioned as having 70 inhabitants in 1881 (Lawrie 1988 (1898):815-816). Figure 6:3 A test pit is opened at stone pillar structure in present Talkote pansalvatta (SO. 10). First excavation carried out under the SARCP program. View from south-east. Photo: Mats Mogren The inquiry carried out by the interview unit of the 1988 field team brought the information that the original settlement had been on the high ground west of the Pahalavava bund, from whence it had been moved to a site adjacent to the present day Talkote Pansalvatta. Both those sites were pointed out to us by the villagers, and they were visited in 1988 as well as in 1989. The abandoned settlement at the Pahalavava bund was recorded as SO. 6 and the site of the cluster village (gam­ ma ndiy a) at the present village site, was recorded as SO. 28. SO. 6 which we may presume is identical with Lawrie’s Pahala Talkote, was said to have been the village site of Talkote during "ancient kings times”. However, the presence of a siyambala (Tamarindus indica) tree at the site and the fairly ‘modern’ appearance of the pottery sampled at the site indicates that the village site was in use in the 19th, or at least 18th century. The Talkote gammandiya, SO. 28, was chosen as a test excavation site for the 1989 season. The results show that there seems to have been activity at the site before SO. 6 was abandoned (see below). It would not be too presumptious to suppose that there have been two villages named Pahala and Ihala Talkote existing at the same time. Whether the pansala (sites SO. 10 and 25-27) should be considered as the allocational genesis of the settlement, or if the site should be grouped with SO. 50 and 55 is impossible to judge upon at present, but the results of the test excavation in the pansalvatta seem to imply that the temple site was aban­ doned after the 11th century. The present structures at the site could hence have been erected at a ruin site after the estab­ lishment of the settlement (SO. 28). The Bo tree at the site is seemingly of considerable age and may antedate the re-estab­ lishment of religious functions at the site.. Pottery sites in an urban context SO. 36-37, SO. 68-77, (SO. 5): Twelve sites are situated in locations that cannot be designated as either stream bed or tank related: SO. 36 and SO. 37 are pottery sites, found along the footpath named ‘Millagala road’, just north of the north­ ern outer moat of the Sigiriya complex. It is difficult to find any other allocational factor worth considering than the pr­ esence of the urban complex. So we may consider them, tentatively, as ‘suburbs’ of Sigiriya. As such they form two most interesting pieces in the jigsaw puzzle that is the settle­ ment of Sigiriya. Further surveying along and outside the outer moats has yielded more sites of the same type. To this category must be counted SO. 70, 71, 73, 75 and 76. SO. 68 and SO. 69 could either be grouped with the ‘urban’ sites, or considered as field hut sites, as they seem to relate to the Varada Manala Haras Karapu Amuna. SO. 74 has a complex artefact assemblage and may be part of SO. 22. SO. 22 may be counted in this group during its later phases. SO. 77 is seemingly related only to the Sigiriya complex, but the occurrence of Black-and-Red Ware in that site gives it a special significance, and it could possibly be related to the Early Historic settlement at Ma- pagala. Site SO. 5 could possibly be suburban, judging from the radiocarbon dates, but cannot be discussed as such from a topographic point of view. Other sites in an urban context SO. 67, SO. 72: the unfinished ‘stone seat’ SO. 67 in the paddy fields west of the Sigiri Oya, is a singular site which very tentatively has been considered to have an urban connec­ tion. Nothing much can be said about it. One site that really might complicate the analysis is SO. 72, an iron production site. Whether contemporary with the urban complex or not is unknown at present. One must not exclude iron production from urban contexts, on the contrary: iron production might be seen as one of the factors that have created central places. The complicating factor is that iron production produces quartz debris in the ore crushing and cleaning process, so the two stream bed sites SO. 22 and SO. 23 could be even more complicated than stated above. If the quartz is explained as iron production waste and not as prehistoric remains, through the chert flakes are more difficult to explain away. SO. 72 is not unique in the area. Millagala, SO. 35, has a conical hole, a type of ancient feature shown to be connected to iron production, namely the ore crushing process (see Mo- gren 1990:58; Forenius and Solangaarachchi this volume I; and a forthcoming volume on the iron production sub-project). Around the conical hole grains of magnetite have been found. Furthermore, the area between Pidurangala and Sigiriya abounds in iron slag. It is obvious that iron production has been widespread in the area, but datings have not been corre­ lated to the chronology of the Sigiriya complex yet. Pottery sites in a monastic context SO. 56, SO. 60-61: these three sites seem to relate directly to the extensive monastic complex of Pidurangala. SO. 56 is a pottery scatter that is partly found in the temple tank bund, partly in the areas beneath it. The tank is said to have been constructed in the 20th century. Pidurangala is a monastery considered to have an unbroken continuity from pre-Christian times. Whether the pottery originates from the monastic com­ munity, or from a lay community related to it, is impossible to judge in the context of present knowledge. Figure 6:4 Map of the northern part ofTalkote village with sites belonging to the monastic complex (SO. 10, 25-27) and marking the three test pits at SO. 10. Monastic sites SO. 9-10, SO. 25-27, SO. 29-30, SO. 33-34, SO. 51, SO. 53-54, SO. 57, SO. 62-64: The 16 sites designated as ‘monastic’ in the area are actually only 10, as SO. 33, SO. 34, SO. 57 and SO. 63 are parts of the vast Pidurangala complex; and as SO. 10 can be grouped with SO. 25-27 into a single monastic complex, even though of lesser extent. In excluding the rock shelter complexes of Sigiriya and Pidurangala for the moment, it is obvious that we cannot group the free standing monastic sites of the area according to age, simply because we lack reliable datings at present. (One ex­ ception is SO. 10, where a 14C-dating is at hand; see below). Any distinction attempted must be based on scale and top­ ographical setting and these 10 sites do differ very much in both respects. The ten sites, or complexes, may be ordered into a multi­ tiered scale, three-tiered as a suggestion. Quite outstanding is the Pidurangala complex. The free standing complex west of the road covers about 120000m2, vast parts of it are still not thoroughly explored. The complex has been preliminarily sur­ veyed and mapped and the subject of a spatial/quantitative analysis, just like the Ramakale complex. The middle tier is represented by the complex around the present Talkote pansalvatta, i.e. SO. 10 and SO. 25-27. This complex seemingly lacks a stupa. The nearest known is the one at Halmillavava, about 750m to the south-east. Another site or complex that could be grouped with this middle tier is SO. 53, in the northern part of the explored area. That site has a stupa ruin, as does SO. 64. SO. 64 was encountered at the close of the field season and still awaits a detailed survey. It may prove to be the nucleus of yet another middle-tier com­ plex. The sites of the lower tier are, so far at least, mostly one- structure sites. A few stone pillars, a solitary stupa ruin, as at SO. 9, or cutmarks in solid rock as at SO. 29, sketch the outlines of a building, including a moonstone at the entrance. The topographical setting also has some noteworthy fea­ tures. Apart from the largest complexes, the sites can be sub­ divided into two general groups, which we may call 'vava context’ and the 'yaya context’. The sites in vava context correspond well with the ' gamgoda-dagaba-vava-yaya-hena' model touched upon above. That is, they are located on some­ what higher ground at one end of the tank bund (SO. 9 and SO. 29), or on a non-flooded promontory behind the bund (SO. 62). The latter setting is not unique, as there are other sites in the greater research area of the project with similar topographi­ cal settings, e.g. MO. 2 at the Timbiriyattavalavava (Wick- remasekara 1990:98). Sites in 'yaya context’ are placed below the tank bund within or adjacent to the paddy fields. The best example is the small stone pillar site just below the bund of Dikkandavava (SO. 30). Also, SO. 54 below Siyambalankoratuvavava and the larger, possibly ‘middle-tierd’ SO. 53 below Talkote Pa- halavava, must be considered typical ‘ytzya-context’ sites. We know next to nothing at present whether tanks and monastic sites are contemporary or not, but if we assume that they are, the functional background of sites in this setting should have had some connection with paddy cultivation. The big question mark when discussing a topographical setting is SO. 51. It is located in a chena about halfway be­ tween Siyambalankoratuvavava and Halmillavava, at least 300m from each. At present the site does not seem to relate to anything, but further exploration in this partially known area may give an explanation. The setting resembles, to some extent, the strange location of KO. 46 in Pattilava, which is a chena between Gallin- da and Udavalayagama (Manatunga 1990:84). It may perhaps be useful to delineate a third group, the 'hena context’, for this type of setting. Test excavations Figure 6:5 Discussion in the field at SO. 10, test pit 1. In the foreground Srini Adihetti, J. A. D. S. Jayaweera and W. A. Kumaradasa. Photo: Mats Mogren. Figure 6:6 Profile of test pit 1 at SO. 10. designated as the site SO. 10. Pit 1 was dug next to the stone pillar structure and pit 2 and 3 were dug in the open ground to the north-west and south-west of pit 1 respectively (see fig. 6:4). The test pits measured 2x2m and were taken down to virgin soil. Pit 1 was the most rewarding of the three. A brick wall was encountered, running through the southern half of the pit. It was standing to a height of about 0.9m, but cultural layers had gradually accumulated against it and its destruction layer (co­ ntext 3, fig. 6:6) was just 0.1-0.3m below the wall interface. It contained bricks and tiles of the ‘Polonnaruva period type’. 14 C-dated charcoal from this layer has given a tentative des­truction date for the structure as 11th century. The calibrated age range for the sample, using one sigma, is 924-1134 AD (Ua 1939). Pit 2 did not yield anything that could be designated as an intact cultural layer. Some pottery was found, but only in a shallow, disturbed surface context. The upper layers of pit 3 were also badly disturbed by recent constructional activity, but context 3 (see fig. 6:8) was considered a fairly undisturbed cultural layer, with a pottery assemblage (Kasthurisinghe and Adikari, unpubl. reports in the PGIAR archive). Because of the limited extent of the excavations at SO. 10 and the absence of a reliable and detailed Lankan pottery chronology to date, nothing explicit can be said about the dating of the beginnings of activities at this site. There was, however, an absence of material indicating activity in pre- Kasyapan or Kasyapan times, e.g. tiles of the typical ‘finger rills’ type found in such great quantities in the Sigiriya com­ plex. As stated above, the end of the ancient activity phase is perhaps indicated by the 14C-dating of context 3 of pit 1. Only one dating is a rather hazardous base for interpretation. It seems to be fortified however by the concurrence of the flat ‘Polonnaruva type’ of tiles, so it can stand as a point of depar­ ture for further discussion. Gammandiya (SO. 28): Two test pits (see fig. 6:9) were excavated in the open area, in the centre of the village des­ cribed as the gammandiya (former cluster settlement site) of Talkote. The objective was primarily to try to date the begin­ nings of occupation in (Ihala) Talkote. There were no indications of ancient settlement visible on the surface at the outset of the excavation. The area was an open ground frequented by cattle and covered with coconut husks and cattle dung. A few stone pillars of ancient ap­ pearance were lying close by, but these were presumably placed there secondarily, and used for steps or the like. Thus nothing but the testimony of the villagers directed the selection of sites for the two pits. Figure 6:7 Brick wall found in test pit 1 at SO. 10. Photo: Mats Mogren. Figure 6:8 Profile of test pit 3 at SO. 10. The section of pit 1 shows three post holes, which stra- tigraphically belong to the phase of occupation immediately proceeding abandonment of the site, that is early and mid-20th century. They might even represent an activity after the disper­ sal of the cluster village. No other structural indications were discernible. Below the dung-mixed top soil, three distinct cul­ tural layers were documented. In the upper one (see fig. 6:11, context 2) parts of a slate pencil were found. The pottery assemblage was entirely of plain Red Ware. Context 3 con­ tained a nail, slag pieces, red ochre and a heavy scatter of pottery. In this layer, charcoal was sampled. In context 4 the only cultural remains were potsherds. In pit 2 nothing but very recent material was found. The cultural deposit was mostly 0.1-0.2m thick (fig. 6:12, context 2) and in one comer was a garbage pit. The finds consisted of gun cartidges, bottle glass, pieces of a plastic comb, nails, pottery etc (Colombage and Karawgahanga, unpubl. reports in the PGIAR archive). One 14C dating was attempted on charcoal from pit 1, but it was found to be less than 250 years old. In conclusion, the site of the (Ihala) Talkote gammandiya can be considered as being only slightly older than its first mention by Lawrie in 1898. Sketching a history of Talkote Out of the still very fragmentary evidence retrieved from the various archaeological (and other) observations in the survey area of Talkote village, a tentative sketch of its history may be attempted. There might be more than just one story to tell. It is impor­tant to comprehend that the area of the present, very dispersed settlement of Talkote, could not have been the scene of the development of only one rural settlement unit. We have seen that most of the tanks of the area have had a settlement in a gamgoda position. Only one of these gamgodas has been dated, the largest one at SO. 5 (Tammannagala, see Somadeva and Kasthurisinghe this volume) and that one might well have been a suburban settlement of Sigiriya, and rather shortlived as such. At least someone had dug a pit at the site in the 9th century, but we cannot say if this indicates a re-settlement or some other kind of activity. Figure 6:9 Map of central parts ofTalkote village, marking the two test pits in the gammandiya. . Figure 6:10 Test pit no 1 is opened at the Talkote gammandiya (SO. 28). View from the east. Photo: Mats Mogren. Figure 6:11 Profile of test pit 1st at Talkote gammandiya (SO. 28). Figure 6:12 Profile of test pit 2 nd Talkote gammandiya (SO. 28). Was the monastic complex at SO. 10, destroyed in the 11th century, ever connected to a village called Talkote, or should we see it as part of the Sigiriya and/or Pidurangala complexes? Was SO. 6 (the site of Lawrie’s Pahala Talkote, where villagers lived in "ancient kings’ times") established by then? What do all the other settlements of the area stand for? Can we presume that at least most of them were contemporanous? If so, what does such a dispersal of settlement over a rather restricted area, signify in the socio-economic perspective? During which period did it occur? What do all the small monastic structures at various locations in the landscape stand for? Village temple grounds, or something else? We can assume with some certainty that the village of Talkote, existing in Kandyan and British times, gradually, shifted location from SO. 6 to SO. 28, and that this probably happened during the 19th century and was completed before the end of that century. During the last 50 or 60 years the cluster settlement at SO. 28 was broken up and dispersed over the area now under investigation. A preliminary survey like the Talkote investigation raises more questions than answers. A lot of work remains to be done before we really can start sketching the history of Tal­ kote. An excavation in SO. 6 with the sole objective of datings, would contribute a great deal; and a continuation of the same at the other major settlements in the research area would probably clear many problems. One can say that a basis is laid for some young researcher who wants to undertake the task, to prove to the world that the history of a rural settlement like Talkote can be as complex and intriguing as that of an urban centre like Sigiriya. General conclusion There is no general, taken-for-granted model of rural settle­ ment in pre-modern times that will stand up against a com­ parison with the concrete field data from a project of the SARCP type. In the light of these data we discern a com­ plexity of rural land use which, of course, has diachronic reasons and variables. The one-village-one-tank model is not untrue, but it is only part of the total reality, and may be termed an oversimplified armchair product. One of the most important results of det­ ailed, micro-regional studies, as in SARCP, is that it is pos­ sible to prove the complexity of reality. The natural conclusion is, of course, that models of society must be treated with caution; they may even create a bias in the perception of the researcher in the field. So what can we put up, instead? Is the alternative a chaotic, unstructured mass of data? Certainly not. There will always emerge a new model of some kind, but the most important thing to learn from this is that any model is nothing but a model mirroring one specific stage in the learning process (which more than often becomes ossified); and that research in the sequel will produce data reflecting a higher level of complexity; and that there will always be frequent exceptions to the rule. This awareness is one of the most important prerequisites for valid results in research into settlement archaeology. REFERENCES Adikari, G. Excavation Report on Tammanagala Pit 1. Un­ published Excavation Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No. 1989/17. Bandaranayake, S. 1988. Ancient cities and settlements. The National Atlas of Sri Lanka. Colombo: Survey Depart­ ment. Deraniyagala, S.U. 1972. The Citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavations in the Gedige Area. Ancient Ceylon. 2: 48- 169. Deraniyagala, S.U. 1986. Excavations in the Citadel of Anu­ radhapura: Gedige 1984, a Preliminary Report. Ancient Ceylon. 6: 39-47. Deraniyagala, S.U. 1990. The Proto- and Early Historic Ra­ diocarbon Chronology of Sri Lanka. Ancient Ceylon. 12: 251-292. Kasthurisinghe, M. Excavation Report on Ihalavava Tam­ managala Pit 2. Unpublished Excavation Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No. 1989/10 Lal, M. 1984. Settlement History and Rise of Civilization in Ganga-Yamuna Doab (from 1500 B.C. to 300 A.D.). De­ lhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation. Lawrie, A. C. 1898 (repr. 1988). A Gazetteer of the Central Province of Ceylon. 2 vols. Colombo: National Museum. Madduma Bandara, C.M. 1985. Catchment Ecosystems and Village Tank Cascades in the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka: A Time-Tested System of Land and Water Resource Man­ agement. Strategies for River Basin Management. Lun­ dqvist, J., U. Lohm and M. Falkenmark, (eds.). Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company. Manatunga, A. 1990. The Kiri Oya Basin. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Bandar­ anayake, S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colom­ bo: PGIAR. Mogren, M. 1990. Project Strategies: Methodology and Per­ spectives. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya- Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake, S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. Perera, N. P. 1978. Early Agricultural Settlements in Sri Lanka in Relation to Natural Resources. Ceylon Historical Journal. Vol. XXV: 58-73. Ragupathy, P. 1987. Early Settlements in Jaffna. An Archa­ eological Survey. Madras: Thillimalar Ragupathy. Ray, H. P. 1989. Early Historical Settlement in the Deccan: an Ecological Perspective. Man and Environment. Vol. XIV, No 1. Wickramasekara, C. 1990. Sigiri Oya and Mirisgoni Oya Basins. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dam­ bulla Region. Bandaranayake, S., M. Mogren and S. Epi­ tawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. Yalman, N. 1967. Under the Bo Tree. Studies in Caste, Kin­ ship and Marriage in the Interior of Ceylon. Berkeley: University of California Press. Figure 6:13 Tammannagala settlement site after excavation, viewed from the north. Photo: I. S. Madanayake. Appendix: A Catalogue of Archaeological Sites in the Talkote Area The following site list is an extract from the Sigiri Oya basin site list, comprising observations made in and around Talkote (see fig. 6:1 and 6:2) during the fieldwork seasons of 1988, 1989 and 1990 (see Wickremesekara 1990: 97-98). SO. 3: Pottery site. About 300m west of Ahalagalavava, in the garden of B.M. Abeyratna. Potsherds are extensively spread, but the site is very difficult to delineate. Visited in 1988 and revisited and plotted in 1989. SO. 4: Pottery site with a few tile pieces and iron slag. Situated about 30m east of Ahalagalavava. The site is difficult to delineate towards the south, but it extends at least 90m north-south. A minor site. Visited in 1988 and revisited and plotted in 1989. SO. 5: Tammannagala. Pottery site with tile pieces. Situated at the southern end of the Talkote Ihalavava bund and east of Tammannagala rock. A very large site, covering an area of around 280x280m on both sides of the Kimbissa - Talkote road. Visited in 1988 and revisited and plotted in 1989. Test excavations in 1989 and large scale excavation in 1990. SO. 6: Pottery site. Situated about 250m west by north­ west of the western end of the Talkote Pahalavava bund. Site with a tradition: according to Talkote villagers, this was the village site of Talkote during "ancient kings’ times". A siyam- bala tree and a fairly ‘modern’ appearance of surface-sampled pottery may indicate that the village site was in use until at least the 18th, possibly into the 19th century. Presumably the site mentioned by Lawrie as Pahala Talkote, noted as aban­ doned in 1898 and with no census figures from 1881 or 1891. Delineation difficult; the site may comprise a single habitation area together with SO. 48; and, possibly, also with SO. 39, SO. 46 and SO. 47. Visited in 1988 and revisited and plotted in 1989. SO. 7: Pottery site. Situated near a breach in the southern part of the Siyambalankoratuvava bund, possibly within the high-water mark of the tank. Potsherds are extensively spread. Visited in 1988 and revisited in 1989, when no potsherds could be found owing to the dense vegetation. The site has been very tentatively plotted, as it is covered with dense scrub jungle. Exact plotting impossible without extensive survey. SO. 9: Dagaba site. Situated about 70-100m south-west of the southern end of the Halmillavava bund. There are two mounds standing close together, the larger of them a dagaba ruin which shows signs of having been looted. Potsherds and brickbats spread in the environs. Visited in 1988 and revisited and plotted in 1989. SO. 10: Stone pillar site with brickbats, tile pieces and potsherds. Situated at the site of an old Bo tree north-west of the school at Talkote. An area of scattered potsherds extends about 30m towards the north-west from the stone pillar struc­ ture. A number of potsherds have been found also in the area north of the school and east of the Bo tree. Together with SO. 25, SO. 26 and SO. 27, it comprises a single monastic complex. Visited in 1988 and revisited, plotted, mapped and test excavated in 1989. SO. 20: Stone pillar and pottery site. Situated west of the western gate of the Sigiriya complex and outside the outer moat. Visited in 1988 and revisited and tentatively plotted in 1989. SO. 22: Pottery site with brickbats, tile pieces, chert and quartz flakes. Situated in and beside the Sigiri Oya stream bed at the south-west comer of the Vilpitaravava paddy fields, west of the outer moat (= Vilpitaravava) of the Sigiriya com­ plex. A cultural layer is found beneath 0.4m of topsoil. It has been cut through by the canal for Mahavali water. In the former Sigiri Oya stream bed, 13m to the east, is a probable ford, constructed of stones and bricks. Potsherds, chert and quartz implements, and waste, are scattered in the stream bed at least 150m downstream. Apparently a multi-period site. Visited and plotted in 1989. Test excavated in 1990. SO. 23: Pottery site with quartz waste. Situated in the Sigiri Oya stream bed/Mahavali water canal bed about 250m upstream from the bridge at Talkote. Seems to have a cultural layer containing potsherds under about one meter of topsoil, cut through by the Mahavali water canal construction. In the stream bed is a scatter of potsherds and quartz waste. Ap­ parently a multi-period site. Visited and plotted in 1989. Test excavated in 1990. SO. 24: Pottery site with quartz waste. In the Sigiri Oya stream bed about 40m downstream from the bridge at Talkote. A possible cultural layer has been cut through by the canal for Mahavali water. Potsherds and quartz waste scattered in the stream bed. A minor, possibly multi-period, site. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 25: Stone pillar and stone slab site with pottery. Situated about 100m north by north-west of SO. 27, partly in the garden of the Dharmadasa family, partly south of it. Eighteen stone slabs and 8-10 stone pillars are scattered over an area of about 12x16m. Potsherds are found within that area and south of it. Visited in 1988, but not given a separate site number. Revisited, plotted and mapped in 1989. SO. 26: Stone pillar site. Situated about 60m north of the stone pillar structure at SO. 10. One 10x18m structure is delineated by stone pillars in the south and stone slabs and crop-marks in the west, north and east. There are 10 pillars, visible 10-20cm above ground. Pottery scattered around the structure. Visited, plotted and mapped in 1989. SO. 27: Single stone pillar site. Situated about 80m west by south-west of SO. 26, in the garden of the Mutubanda family. No pottery found. Visited, plotted and mapped in 1989. SO. 28: The Talkote gammandiya. Abandoned. Two stone pillar-like slabs found at the site. Visited in 1988, but not given a site number. Revisited, mapped and test excavated in 1989. SO. 29: Monastic site. Situated at the northern end of the Talkote Ihalavava bund, on top of a rock. A moonstone-like shape cut into solid rock and, 1.6m south of it, two wall lines at right angles to each other, also cut into the rock. According to villagers there was a Buddhist structure on this site "in the old days". The site is now being used as a quarry, so it is probable that parts of it have been destroyed. A hundred meters west by north west is a single stone pillar with a symbol cut into the stone. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 30: Stone pillar site. Situated in an abandoned paddy field below (75-110m east of) the Dikkandavava bund. Four stone pillars visible. Site visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 31: Pottery site. Situated about 100m north-west of the northern end of the Dikkandavava bund. A minor site judging from quantity, but with a high percentage of sherds from large jars. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 32: Pottery site. Situated about 20-100m south of the southern end of the Halmillavava bund, in the footpath be­ tween Mr Rambanda’s house and the Pidurangala temple tank paddy fields. Extension about 80m in the footpath, with an adjoining dense scatter about 30m further east by north-east. Full extension not possible to explore owing to dense scrub. Site visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 33: Stone pillar site with tiles and bricks. Part of the Pidurangala monastic complex. Two stone pillars situated about 95m north by north-east of the northern end of the Pidurangala temple tank bund. Pottery, tile pieces and brick­ bats scattered in the footpaths over the entire area between the stone pillars and the tank bund. Site visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 34: Stone pillar site. Part of the Pidurangala monastic complex. Situated 180m north by north-west of the SO. 33 stone pillars. Five pillars visible in a low mound about 8m in diameter. Site visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 35: Quartz waste site with pottery and a conical hole. Situated on top of Millagala, a rocky outcrop south of the Pidurangala temple tank. Quartz debris is densely scattered in three separate gravel pockets, together with badly worn pot­ sherds. The pottery could be associated with the adjoining SO. 36. Signs of quartz quarrying on the southwest side of the rock. One conical hole in the solid rock is visible at the southern end. A few, very small fragments of magnetite ore and iron slag can be found. Millagala has three natural ponds containing water even in the dry season. Whether a prehistoric campsite or an attempt to establish an iron production site (or at least an iron ore pounding site), or both, is yet impossible to ascertain. Visited and plotted in 1989. Revisited in 1991. SO. 36: Pottery site with brickbats. Situated immediately south ot SO. 35 in the footpath called Millagala road, leading to Talkote. Pottery and brick scatter extends into surround­ ing gardens. Visited and plot - d in 1989. SO. 37: Pottery site. Situated about 300m west of SO. 36 in the Millagala road. Dense scatter in a 2x3m area, but pottery found over an 80m distance in the road. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 38: Pottery site. Situ.’, ted in the west bank and at a bend in the Sigiri Oya, about 400m north of the Talkote Pahalavava bund. Some pottery scattered over a 15x15m area. Minor site. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 39: Pottery site with some iron slag. Situated in a chena about 350m north by north-west of the western end of the Talkote Pahalavava bund and about 70m east of the main electrical power line. Close by, towards thp west and south­ west and north-east of site SO. 47, is a bund, or a ridge. It is, most probably, an ancient tank bund, even though the villagers do not have a name for it. (Another bund is found further to the south-west, beyond site SO. 47). Minor site. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 46: Pottery site. Situated in the road to the Talkote Pahalavava paddy fields, about 70m north of the bund and 250m east of the main electrical power line. Pottery visible only in eroded parts of the road, where a deposit of limonite gravel comes to the surface. Minor site. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 47: Pottery site. Situated at the breach in the south­ western one of the two ancient tank bunds that have dammed the stream from Avudamgavavava to Sigiri Oya, north-west of Talkote Pahalavava and directly below the main electrical power line. Pottery is found in the bund fill as well. Probably a minor site. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 48: Pottery site. Situated about 120m west of the western end of Talkote Pahalavava, below the main electrical power line. The site consists of two patches of limonite gravel containing pottery, separated by about a 40m wide hollow, taken to be part of the Kotalahimbutugahavava tank bottom. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 50: Pottery site. Situated in a chena south-west of the western end of Pidurangala Pahalavela. Site impossible to plot with any fair degree of exactness. Visited in 1989. SO. 51: Stone pillar site. Situated in a chena about 350m south-west of SO. 50 and about 200m north of the footpath between Talkote and Pidurangala villages. One single stone pillar in a fairly large mound. The site is impossible to plot with any fair degree of exactness. Visited in 1989. SO. 52: Pottery site. Situated in a small chena about 250m north-east of SO. 38 and about 80m east of the Sigiri Oya. Minor site. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 53: Monastic site. Probable dagaba ruin, 20m in diameter, not very well preserved. Brickbats scattered around the structure. About 100m towards the north-west are two stone pillars, and around these a fairly extensive scatter of pottery and brickbats, reaching into the paddy fields, towards the west. Site visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 54: Stone pillar site. Situated in a footpath about 350m north-east of the eastern end of the Talkote Pahalavava bund and 50m south of the Siyambalankoratuvavava paddy fields. The site comprises two structures, towards the south-west with 12 visible stone pillars, the other towards the north-east, with 9 visible stone pillars and a probable terrace wall. Surroundings impossible to explore owing to dense scrub. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 55: Pottery and iron slag site. Situated about 200m north-west of Pidurangala Pahalavela. Pottery scattered in a chena south of the cart track between Pidurangala Pahalavela and the Siyambalankoratuvavava paddy fields. Iron slag found in fairly large quantities in the cart track. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 56: Pottery site. Situated adjacent to and below the Pidurangala temple tank bund. Pottery found 0.2-0.3m below the surface, visible in the cut for a canal leading water to the new paddy fields, south-west of the tank, over a distance of 50m. Pottery found in the bund fill, all along the tank bund, as well. Site visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 57: Stone pillar site. Part of the Pidurangala monastic complex. Situated adjacent to (north of) the northern bund of the Pidurangala temple tank. Five stone pillars visible. Brick­ bats scattered around. Site visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 58: Pottery site. Situated in a garden about 150m east of the bridge over Sigiri Oya, at Talkote. Pottery scattered around a low mound. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 59: Rock-cut cistem site. Situated in a rock boulder about 120m north of Tammannagala, close to SO. 5, of which settlement it may be a part. The cistern measures 1.2x2.2m and holds a depth of 0.65-0.7m. It is cut into solid rock on top of the boulder. No other cut marks or other remains are visible. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 60: Pottery site. Situated between the northern edge of the ‘Pidurangala Archaeological Forest’, the point where the footpath leading north from the dagaba reaches the chena and the junction between that footpath and the footpath leading from Talkote to Pidurangala village (about 250m north of the dagaba). A fairly intense pottery scatter, but very difficult to delineate owing to dense scrub. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 61: Pottery site with iron slag. Situated in the footpath about 250m north of the footpath junction at SO. 60. The site has a lot of limonite gravel as well. Minor site, difficult to delineate owing to dense scrub. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 62: Stone pillar site. One single stone pillar situated in the cart track between Pidurangala Pahalavela and the Siyam­ balankoratuvavava paddy fields, about 100m east of the point where the cart track crosses the Siyambalankoratuvavava bund. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 63: Stone pillar and brick wall site. Part of the Piduran­ gala monastic complex. Situated in the footpath about 250m north-west of the dagoba. Consists of one single stone pillar by the side of the path and a brick wall crossing the path obliquely. Visited and plotted in 1989. SO. 64: Dagaba site. Situated in a chena, about 400m west by south-west of Tammannagala rock. A scatter of brickbats and pottery around the ruined structure. Visited in 1989. Revisited and tentatively plotted in 1990. SO. 67: An uncompleted rock-cut structure, called "stone­ bed" by the villagers. Situated in the slope just below the top of a rock named Siyambalagahalangagala. The stone has been cut vertically to the rock, to form an uncompleted ‘seat’, 3x1.8m in extent and with a depth of 0.3m at the highest back end. The vertical cut is nicely finished without residual cut marks. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 68: Pottery site. Situated about 40m east by northeast of Varada Manala Haras Karapu Amuna. Pottery visible over an area of 12x20m. Minor site. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 69: Pottery site. Situated in present chena land north­ east of the Siyambalagahalangagala, SO. 67. Difficult to delineate, but pottery is scattered over an area of about 30x40m. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 70: Pottery site with brickbats and tiles. Situated east of SO. 22 on the eastern side of Sigiri Oya, visible in the cut for the sluice in Vilpitaravava and south-westwards for at least 100m. Difficult to delineate owing to dense scrub jungle to the south, the vava bund to the east and paddy fields to the west. It might be a continuation of SO. 22. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 71: Pottery site. Potsherds visible in a dense con­ centration, from about 0.2m below surface level, in the walls of a hole cut in the ground below the Vilpitaravava western bund. It might be a continuation of SO. 70. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 72: Iron production site. Situated about 80m north by north-west of the north-western comer of the Vilpitaravava bund. Consists of an earthen mound, measuring about 5.5x15m in plan and with a maximum elevation over the surrounding paddy fields of about 1.7m. Slag and pieces of furnace wall were found in the mound and slag was also scattered in the fields surrounding the site. Visited and plotted in 1990. Slag sampled for analysis in 1991. SO. 73: Pottery site with brickbats. Low mound in dense forest. Difficult to delineate. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 74: Pottery site with quartz waste (and microliths?) and a few small pieces of iron slag scattered in sand around a low rock, 14x7m, about 250m north of the Sigiriya-Kimbissa road and 150m south-west of the Sigiri Oya. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 75: Pottery site with a few pieces of badly worn tiles and a few pieces of slag. Situated in dense scrub jungle about 220m north of the Sigiriya-Kimbissa road and 100m south­ west of Sigiri Oya. The site is probably a continuation of SO. 74, but no pottery was visible in between. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 76: Pottery site with tiles and badly worn bricks. Situated in dense forest on the western bank of Sigiri Oya. The site was not possible to delineate properly, but it covers at least 75x20m. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 77: Pottery site with a few pieces of tiles. Situated in the paddy fields west of Sigirivava and south of the Sigiriya complex. Pottery (including BRW) is visible in the field bunds and also in the walls of three holes dug in the fields. In the westernmost hole, pottery is visible from 0.8m below surface level in a dark, 0.45m thick kaoline and sand-mixed layer, deposited on top of the bedrock. Visited and plotted in 1990. SO. 78: Pottery site with a few tile pieces. Situated in and around the Vanni Hamige Amuna, north of Ahalagalavava. Full extent remains to be plotted. Visited and plotted in 1990. Figure 6:13 View ofTalkote village taken from Tammannagala. In the background are Pidurangala and Sigiriya rocks on left and right. Photo: Gamini Adikari.

Dehigaha-ala-kanda (KO. 14) at Alakolavava: An Early Iron Production Site with a Highly Developed Technology SVANTE FORENIUS AND ROSE SOLANGAARACHCHI This is a brief presentation of the preliminary results from the archaeological excavations at KO. 14, one of the sites chosen for archaeological excavations in the 1990 field season and continued in 1991. The Alakolavava, or Dehigaha-ala-kanda site (KO. 14) is one of the major sites where iron slag was found during the survey for sites in the Kiri Oya valley, in 1988. Different quantities were found at about twenty other sites, but slag from iron production was not distinguished from slag whichoriginates from forging. (This has been done later.) Further­ more, only one or a few pieces of slag were found at many of these sites. KO. 14 is also one of a cluster of sites (mostly pottery sites, but also including another iron production site, KO. 12, and a monastic site, KO. 17) grouped around the confluence of the Dehigaha-ala with the Kiri Oya. It is situated about 8.5km south-east of the Sigiriya rock and about 1.5km from the present Alakolavava village. A preliminary report on the site and a sketch map of the area has been published (Manjusri 1990). Among the important site indicators were a ’’large ac­ cumulation of iron slag spread so intensively over a vast area”; two rock surfaces containing a series of conical holes (KO. 14A, KO. 14L) and a sequence of rock shelters (KO. 14C, KO. 14E, KO. 14G, KO. 14H and KO. 141) lying on the eastern side of the site; and possible structural remains associated with these caves. As a result of the observations made during this survey, this area was earmarked as a future excavation site: "The site marks itself out as a priority for further studies in the future. Was this an iron production site? Was it a monastic site? Did it serve both purposes at one and the same time? Where did the ore come from? These and many other ques­ tions must be answered in the not too distant future" (Manjusri 1990:118). Archaeological excavations were planned to com­ mence in 1989, but could not be implemented until the next year (see Mogren: "Objectives" this volume). Figure 10:1 Site plan of Dehigaha-ala-kanda. Figure 10:2 Map showing location of Dehigaha-ala-kanda. Particular attention was paid by the SARCP research group to the function of the conical holes. One of the first persons to report these "ancient rock-cup-marks" was Henry Parker (1984 (1909):221-234) who had assumed them to be con­ nected with the activities of stone masons, engaged in the construction of monasteries. However, Parker had not ob­ served or reported the existence of iron or iron slag associated with such conical hole sites, nor did he in any way connect these with the iron production process. It was the SARCP team that first conjectured them to be in some way used to grind iron ore before smelting, or perhaps to support the grinding machinery (Mogren 1990:58-59). Significantly, in discussing the possible function of these holes, Parker had recalled the chekku, or oil mill. It was the heavy slag deposit at the Alakolavava site that seemed to point to the conical holes being connected with iron production; and in the adjoining soil layer west of KO. 14A, small pieces of quartz, iron ore and potsherds were observed. Mogren points out that there are other sites in the Kiri Oya valley showing the same spatial connection between iron slag sites and conical holes (Mogren 1990). In 1990-1992, more sites showing traces of iron production have been found in the region, in a setting that seems to strengthen the supposed connection further. Their spatial context also seems to imply a monastic connection, even though KO. 14 itself cannot be considered monastic any more. This issue will get further in-depth treatment in a forthcoming monograph on the KO. 14 site, due to be published as soon as all the analyses are fin­ ished. By that time it will also be possible to discuss Dehigaha- ala-kanda in an international context. The present article should be regarded only as a brief preliminary report. Figure 10:3 Plan of the trench with excavated furnaces. The setting The Dehigaha-ala-kanda site is named after the low mountain on which it is located. The site is surrounded by chena land in the north, west and south-west. To the south is a small, peren­ nial stream, Dehigaha-ala, which is a tributary of the Kiri Oya. The confluence is situated between one and two hundred metres east of KO. 14. The iron production site covers an area of irregular shape, about 100m from north to south and 70m from west to east. The ground slopes towards the west and south-west. On the surface of the site, iron slag is spread extensively and con­ centrated in at least half a dozen large slag heaps, especially in the north-western, western and south-western sections. Some slag pieces are strikingly massive, indicating an advanced stage in the bloomery smelting technique, others are porous, with grass impressions, indicating a tapping of slag on to a wet grass bed some time during the process (Noreus 1990 un- publ.). Objectives and realization The aims of the excavation in 1990 were to try to clarify what the slag represented, to determine the state of the site and date the remains. It had earlier been decided that the slag had to originate from iron production in bloomery furnaces. A temporary bench mark (TBM) with an assumed height of 200m above mean sea level, was established on a small rock to the south of the southernmost visible slag heap (Mound A) and the site survey was carried out in relation to this TBM. A centre point of a free-standing grid system was marked at a designated spot to the south-west of the same slag heap. Initial attention was focused on this southernmost, visible slag heap. It seemed most likely that if there were any furnaces to excavate, they ought to be found on its eastern upslope. The ground was flat and covered by a topsoil deposit. A small depression in the ground looked to be a convenient place to start the search for furnace remains. A 4x4m area (later ex­ tended) was chosen for the first test excavation. In the middle of this trench, the remains of two well preserved furnaces (named 6A and 6B) of surprisingly large dimensions, were unearthed. It was also decided to dig a trench through the slag heap in the slope (Trench 1) to get a rough estimate of the amount of slag. In 1991 the excavated area was extended to the south, where three more furnaces were found. Only two of them (labelled 26 and 27) could be excavated. The third furnace (labelled 25) was left unexcavated, as a big tree was standing on top of it. In this second season of excavations, two more trenches were dug through slag heaps, one at the northern end of the slag heap trenched in 1990 (Trench 2) in order to study the degree of soil deposition over the slag heaps of the site (a process that has made estimates of production quantities very difficult); and another one through a very prominent slag heap Mound B) in the north-western part of the site area (Trench 3). A few test pits have also been put down in the site. One of these is adjacent to one of the rocks with conical holes. This was done with the intention of obtaining data regarding waste materials, deposited in soil layers adjoining the rock, from the process of pounding or grinding iron ore, carried out on the rock itself. Figure 10:4 Furnaces 6A and 6B seen from the west. Photo: Mats Mogren. THE FURNACES Position of the furnaces The furnaces were placed above a slope where slag and other waste material had been thrown out. All the excavated fur­ naces were constructed in pits that had been carved out in the bedrock. The bottom end of the furnaces lay about one metre below the top of the bedrock. In front of each furnace there was a relatively flat area, about one square metre in extent. The pits were oval in shape, a total length of 1.5m (includ­ ing the furnace) and a little less in breadth. In the two pits excavated in 1990, the rock had been carved out in such a way that it almost looked like rounded steps, on the side towards the slag heap. The reason for this might have been to make it easier to move the bloom and waste material out of the pit. Construction and shape The furnaces themselves were constructed of clay and stone slabs. The back walls were almost vertical and embedded in the bedrock. Even the side walls were in places directly con­ nected with the carved-out rock. On each side of the furnace shaft, upright stone slabs, upto 0.8m in height and 0.15m thick, were placed directly on the rock at the bottom of the pits. The slabs were for stabilizing the walls, but could also have had the function of carrying the weight of the super­ structure. Clay lining was observed on the slabs, on the sides that faced the furnace shafts. In some cases, even the outer surface was covered with clay. Starting from the top of the stone slabs, the furnace shafts grew narrower upwards. The back walls had a slightly bent shape in plan and the change-over to the side walls was soft. No remains of the front walls were found in situ. This was not surprising, as those parts of the furnaces had to be broken to make it possible to get the bloom (spongy lump of iron and slag) out. As the furnaces were used over and over again, it was also necessary to remove the slag that collected at the bottom. Furthermore, the back and the sides of the shaft often had to be repaired before a new campaign could begin. In this connection, it could be mentioned that the stone slabs also functioned as a breakage limit, to protect the side walls when the front was torn down. In all the excavated furnaces the front walls, as mentioned, were missing. However, the slag that was left at the bottom of the furnaces indicated that the front walls had been rectilinear in plan. Like the other walls, the front seemed to have been vertical up to the top of the stone slabs while the upper part leant backwards, away from the smelter working in front of the furnace. Approximate dimensions of the furnaces: Width at the bottom: 0.8-0.95m Width 1.5m above the bottom: 0.50m Depth at the bottom: 0.40-0.60m The back wall in the best preserved furnace was 1.6m in height. The total height of the furnaces had probably been about 2m. The side walls were 20-40cm thick (including the stone slabs) at the lower half and about 5cm at the top of what remained of the furnaces. The furnaces were relatively broad, compared to the depth, i.e. the distance from the front to the back wall. Obviously the ironmasters at Dehigaha-ala-kanda had tried (and succeeded) in achieving optimal conditions in the furnaces. The arrange­ ment of eight parallel tuyeres (see below) made it possible to control the temperature in order to reach the highest level of accuracy in the smelting process. Figure 10:5 Furnace 27 in profile. Figure 10:6 Reconstruction drawing of furnace 6B at Dehigaha-ala-kanda. Drawing: Malinga Amarasinghe. Air supply In the first excavation season (1990) a number of pipes for the air supply, so-called tuyeres, were found. The tuyeres, made of burnt clay, are cylindrical in shape. The outer diameter is about 9cm and the hole through which the air was blown into the furnace is about 3.0-3.5cm. The length is unknown, as the fronts are partly burnt away on all the tuyeres that were found. The length would probably have been about 25cm. Analyses of the clay in the tuyeres and clay from the furnace walls prove that different types of clay have been used. The tuyeres clay is more heat-resistant than the furnace walls (Dag Noreus, personal message). Tuyeres similar to the ones found at KO. 14 have been observed at least on one other site in the Kiri Oya valley (KO. 26 Kosgaha-ala). The uniform design and the distin­ guished properties suggest that the tuyeres were made of a carefully selected clay, perhaps in a factory where this man­ ufacture was a speciality. During the second excavation season (1991) some details were found that were crucial for the understanding of the furnace construction. In the previous season, some of the wall Figure 10:7 Profile drawing of excavated furnaces seen from the west. pieces found had imprints of two tuyeres, hinting that these had been attached to the furnaces in pairs. In front of two of the furnaces excavated in 1991 were found rather large pieces of the lower parts of the front walls. These finds were very interesting, as they had similar imprints and were found toge­ ther with tuyeres ‘in situ’. The imprints proved that the tuyeres had been attached parallel and close to each other (like organ pipes). It could also be proved that the front wall had been filled up with tuyeres, from left to right. A total of eight tuyeres had been used at the same time in each furnace. This seems to be a very special arrangement for the furnaces at Dehigaha- ala-kanda. Unfortunately these finds did not disclose at what angle the tuyeres entered the furnace. A high yield and evenness in the quality of the produced iron among other things, depend on the possibility of control­ ling reducing conditions in the furnace. The temperature is one of the most important factors. Both the amount of air and the airflow have an influence on the temperature. The excavated furnaces have shown that great attention had been paid to solve the difficulties connected with air supply. The eight parallel tuyeres gave the ironmasters at Dehigaha-ala-kanda the ability to distribute the air equally to all parts of the hearth and to avoid cold zones in the furnace. That natural draught had been utilized for the air supply is out of the question. The damage on the lower parts of the back walls indicated that the pressure with which the air had been blown into the furnace could only have been achieved by using bellows. The bellows were probably placed in or beside the pits in front of the furnaces. No remains of the bellows were expected to be found, as they must have been made of organic material. Neither the design of the bellows, nor whether they were foot or hand powered, is known. On the left side of each of the pits in front of the furnaces, there was a cut in the rock a couple of centimetres deep. A guess is that these cuts probably served as holders for some construction that would have made the pumping easier. THE ORE AND ITS PREPARATION Occurrence Iron ore has been found more or less all over the site. The main type is magnetite (Fe3O4. NH2O). One of the largest concentrations of ore was found in the north-eastern part of the site lying below the rock with the five conical holes (KO. 14A). Pieces of ore were also found in the filling around the furnaces and on the ground surface. No thorough exploration for ore deposits has taken place yet. As the magnetite is a type of rock ore, one would assume that the ore has been extracted by mining somewhere in the neighbourhood. There could, for instance, have been ore dep­ osits close to the caves on the east side of the mountain. Conical holes The conical holes at KO. 14A are 15-20cm wide at the top, and 7-15cm deep, with a rounded bottom. The exact function of the holes is still unknown. Below some of the rocks, crushed quartz and pieces of iron ore were observed, together with potsherds. In 1988 the strong connection between the conical holes and the quartz flakes was not understood, and the quartz flakes were interpreted as remains of a prehistoric camp site (Manjusri 1990). As stated before, it can now be considered as ascertained that the holes were connected to grinding, or pounding of the ore, in order to separate quartz and other unwanted material from the ore, and to break up the ore into a size suitable for the smelting process. The grain size of the ore is one of the factors of importance in efforts to find the proper reducing conditions (Noreus 1990 unpubl.). How­ ever, it has not been ascertained whether the conical holes have been used as mortars, or formed by some kind of grind­ ing machinery. The latter is more likely. Figure 10:8 Three tuyeres found with fragment of a tuyere stand. Photo: Mats Mogren. Figure 10:9 One of the conical holes found at Dehigaha-ala-kanda. Photo: Mats Mogren. Other activities connected to the smelting process Iron production is a process that involves several stages aro­ und the smelting itself. Many of these stages did not take place at the iron production site. Ore, wood and clay for the furnaces could have been brought from sites at different dis­ tances from the furnace sites. Charcoal burning probably took place at the point where the wood was collected . In a land of chena cultivation, traces of these activities could be hard to find. Roasting and pounding of the ore could have been ex­ ecuted at the production sites. At KO. 14 pounding has prob­ ably taken place in connection with the conical holes (see above). Roasting is a method of eliminating impurities and reducing the water content in the ore. No roasting sites have been observed at KO. 14. It must be kept in mind, though, that the excavated area is very limited and that the research con­ centrated on the furnaces and slag heaps. After the smelting, the bloom must be cleansed from the slag. The bloom was usually placed on a stone that acted as an anvil, and then the slag was pressed out by hammering with a sledge-hammer. During this process the bloom must be heated up repeatedly, in a smithing pit. It is significant that neither smithing pits nor obvious anvil stones were found. Yield and volume of the production Without a more detailed knowledge of the process, reliable estimates of the iron production are not possible. From what we know today about the process and the amount of slag at KO. 14, it is impossible to calculate the amount of iron produced at the site. We know that the slag at the site has to be counted not in tens or hundreds, but rather in tens of thousands of tons. A problem is that a great quantity of the slag deposits are hidden under soil transported by erosion. The yield from the smelting process is dependant, among other things, on the properties of the ore, the charcoal and the flux (if added). Other important factors are the temperature and the possibility of controlling it, and the furnace construc- tion/type. The skill and experience of the iron smelters is also a factor to be taken into consideration. A prerequisite to calculating yield is that the ore/slag ratio can be settled. Considering the amount of slag, the good qu­ ality of the ore and the highly developed furnace construction at Dehigaha-ala-kanda, a very modest estimate of the output of raw iron could be placed at thousands, or even tens of thousands of tons. However, it must be kept in mind that as much as 80% of the iron could be lost during the transforma­ tion into finished implements. Even if this is taken into con­ sideration, the iron production at KO. 14 must be regarded as a very large-scale ‘industrial’ production, executed by profes­ sionals. Locating factors At least three concurrent factors could have determined the choice of Dehigaha-ala-kanda for iron production. Large am­ ounts of wood were used in different stages of the production, like roasting the ore, pre-heating the furnaces and as fuel (in the shape of charcoal) in the smelting process. The jungle provided the iron producers with wood (even though the landscape must have become quite barren after some time). The ore was probably collected in the vicinity. The iron oxide content in the ore that occurs in the area could have been a factor in determining why this site was preferred over other sites. The access to perennial water is another important fac­ tor. Clay for the construction of the furnaces should be men­ tioned as yet another necessary raw material. Clay deposits should be found rather close to the production site. Pottery and 14C-datings An attempt was made to date the site through the pottery found at Dehigaha-ala-kanda, by comparing it with that foundat Sigiriya and the Jetavana, Abhayagiri and Gedige sites in Anuradhapura. The pottery found at Dehigaha-ala-kanda can be categor­ ized into three main groups: Black-and-Red Ware, Black Wa­ re and Red Ware. The Black-and-Red Ware sherds are of a coarse ware, of a very poor level of production; while the Black Ware, in contrast, is a fine ware (Jayaweera 1990). The Red coloured pottery is in the form of goblets (kusalana), tray-bowls (tati), cooking utensils (atili, appalla and mutti) water carrying vessels (kalaya, kotala, mutti) and storage ves­ sels. These display a very high standard of manufacture. Among these, the tray-bowls occupy a very special place, having been turned out with a very high finish. They fall into two categories: those with and those without rims. The vessels without rims can be assigned to an earlier period than those with rims. They belong mostly to the Black-and-Red Ware familiarly associated with the megalithic tradition and the pro- tohistoric-Early Historic period (PHEH). Tray-bowls of this type, similar to those belonging to the early Anuradhapura period, discovered from Abhayagiri and Gedige (Kuna 1972) can be seen at Alakolavava. Potsherds of this type are stra- tigraphically connected to the gravel layer beneath the slag heaps. The rimmed tray-bowls are similar to those found at Ab­ hayagiri (Kuna 1987) and Jetavana (Ratnayake 1984). It seems clear that this Alakolavava pottery has some resemblance to that of the early Anuradhapura period. The fact that these types were not found at Sigiriya is noteworthy. It is possible to suggest, tentatively, that the pottery found at Alakolavava points to an evolution from the protohistoric - Early Historic (PHEH) transition to Phases 1 and 2 of the Early Historic period (EHP1, 2). Since the pottery found in these contexts does not extend to that of the period of the Sigiriya kingdom and does not appear after about the 4th century AC at Anuradhapura, it can be assumed that the fur­ naces also belong to the pre-Kasyapan epoch in the Sigiriya region. These assumptions based on pottery were later more or less confirmed when compared with the 14C-datings from the site (see fig. 10:10). Seven radiocarbon samples have been analysed at The Svedberg Laboratory, Uppsala University. CONCLUSIONS result of an indigenous development from a protohistoric stage? Who controlled the production, the forging and the distribution? What was the purpose of the production? Was the iron intended for a local, a distant, or even a foreign market? Was the iron reserved for special social groups in society? Was the development of the iron production caused by warfare or, for instance, by agricultural needs? What was the economic profit and who extracted the surplus of the production/distribution? What consequences did it have on the society? Figure 10:10 Dehigaha-ala-kanda. Radiocarbon dates. Calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability, one sigma (68.26%). CalibETH 1.5b (1991). The high technological knowledge that the ironmasters at Dehigaha-ala-kanda must have possessed, indicates that the experience of producing iron goes far back in time. To decide whether the entire technique, or parts of it, were imported from abroad, or developed within the country, much more research is needed. The excavations at Dehigaha-ala-kanda could be regarded as a point of departure for a new era in Lankan archaeo-metal- lurgy, where archaeologists co-operate with natural scientists in the study of ancient iron production. The dimensions of the production, as well as the technique that have been used, are of the greatest interest in more than a Lankan perspective. There is no doubt that the widespread remains of early Lankan iron production are a valuable source material that could take the archaeo-metallurgy of the entire world several steps forward. REFERENCES Kuna, M. 1987. Local Pottery of Anuradhapura: A Way to its Classification and Chronology. Pamatky Archeologicke LXXVIII: 5-66. Manjusri, M. 1990. Dehigaha-ala-kanda (KO. 14): a prehis­ toric habitation site, a monastic rock-shelter site and an iron production site in the Kiri Oya Basin. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Bandar- anayake, S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colom­ bo: PGIAR. Mogren, M. 1990. Project Strategies: Methodology and Per­ spectives. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya- Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake, S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGLAR. Noreus, D. 1990. Assessment of iron production sites in the Sigiriya area and their importance in relation to archaeo- metallurgy worldwide; and of the capacity of the Institute of Fundamental Studies (IFS) in Kandy, for doing the relevant slag analysis. Unpublished Report. PGIAR Ar­ chive. Parker, H. 1984 (1909). Ancient Ceylon. New Delhi: Asian Education Services. Ratnayake, H. (ed.) 1984. UNESCO - Sri Lanka Project of the Cultural Triangle Reports: Jetavanaramaya Project, Anuradhapura. First Archaeological Excavation and Re­ search Report (January-June 1982). Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, Ministry of Cultural Affairs.

GAMINI ADIKARI In the field season of 1990, the PGIAR excavation and ex­ ploration team visited a cluster of caves at Potana, which held distinct evidence of prehistoric occupation. Within one of the caves, stone and bone tools and other cultural remains were found, lying on top of soil that had been evacuated from trenches dug for the foundation of a building. This site was plotted and registered as MO. 14. As the exploration showed the site to be rich in prehistoric evidence, it was chosen as a site for excavation and further study. The Potana cave cluster (MO. 14) lies 4kms from Sigiriya, on the Dambulla-Sigiriya main road (Lot No. 7.56 12 - Long E 8.45 12). It was decided to excavate cave no. 1 which is about 100-150m above the surrounding flat land, (see fig. 5:1). The cave complex lies within a granite gneiss outcrop. This type of stone is very common in this region (Vitanage 1959; Cooray 1980; Epitawatte 1990). A study of the geo-physical environment of the region was helpful in studying the micro- environmental system in the immediate vicinity of the cave (Bandaranayake 1982; Karunaratne 1989; Epitawatte 1990;). The closest water sources are the Mirisgoni Oya and the Bel- Ian Oya. The interior of the cave is roughly triangular in shape, and has an approximate internal area of 100m". While it is shel­ tered on one side, the southern and western sides are open. The roof of the cave rises at an angle of 45° from the floor. The highest point of the roof is about 8m from the bottom gravel surface. There is a dripledge above the entrance. On the western side of the cave the rock falls steeply, while the slope is very gradual on the southern side. According to its construction, it is possible that the cave would stay dry even in heavy rain. But other evidence shows that the interior had been subject to flooding. There are two possibilities for this: a period of occupation, or reconstruction, and other building activities outside the cave. Figure 5:1 Sigiri-Potana. Site plan. Methodology The entire complex of 12 caves was surveyed and plotted. Excavations within cave no. 1 were carried out stratigraphi- cally. It was originally planned that only half of the cave floor be subjected to excavation, but as the resident bikkhu of the cave was in the process of erecting a building within it, the entire cave had to be excavated ultimately. The total excavated area of cave 1 was 93m . This excavation was a co-operative effort by archaeologists and natural scientists who helped to analyse the pollen, micro fossils, faunal remains and soil. In addition to the main trench in cave no. 1, a test pit measuring 5m2 was excavated in cave no. 2 (see site plan, fig. 5:1). The matrix system of documentation was fol­ lowed. Figure 5:2 Map showing location of Potana. Findings There were four main layers of soil, with 16 contexts within them. The maximum depth of excavations was lm. Soil specimens from all the layers were subjected to wet and dry sieving. A phosphate analysis of the soil was carried out. In all, about 1,000kg of faunal remains were collected; also a large quantity of mesolithic tools and debris. The most exciting find was of two complete skeletons, lying about a meter apart, in a ‘doubled up’ sleeping position. Human skeletal remains had been found at other prehistoric sites in Sri Lanka (Deraniyagala 1990), but this was the very first find of complete skeletons. They were in an undisturbed layer which has not been dated so far, but there are two very coherent 14C-dates from a context directly above the skeletons. The calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability (using one sigma) are 3913-3727 BC (Ua 5685) and 3916-3709 BC (Ua 5686). Taken as a whole, this analysis is still at a very preliminary stage and will yield exciting material for further investigation. The skeletons especially, will be subjected to intense studies Figure 5:4 Sigiri-Potana. Radiocarbon dates. Calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability, one sigma (68.28%). CalibETH 1.5b (1991). REFERENCES: Bandaranayake, S. (ed.) 1984. Sigiriya Project: First Ar­ chaeological Excavation and Research Report. Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, Ministry of Cultural Affairs. Cooray, P.G. 1984. The Geology of Sri Lanka, Colombo: National Museum. Deraniyagala, S.U. 1990. The Prehistory of Sri Lanka : an Ecological Perspective. Ph.D. dissertation. Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Epitawatte, S. 1990. The Physical Environment of the Study Area. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dam- bulla Region. Bandaranayake, S., M . Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. Karunaratne, P.B. 1989. Report on an Ecological Survey of Forests and Identification of Faunal Remains from Ar­ chaeological sites around Sigiriya. Unpublished Prelimi­ nary Survey Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No. 89/26. Vitanage, W.P. 1959. Geology of the Country Around Polon- naruva. Geological Survey of Ceylon, Memoirs No 1. Colombo: Department of Minerology.

Appendix II: 14C-datings In the Settlement Archaeological Research and Collaboration Project (SARCP) a considerable part of the budget has been set aside for radio-carbon dating. During 1991 and 1992, 39 samples of presumed organic matter from various excavations within the SARCP framework were sent to the Svedberg Laboratory at Uppsala University, Sweden, for tandem accelerator dating. Of these 39, four samples contained too little organic matter to be datable. The datings were carried out by Goran Possnert and his staff. Preparatory treatment of the samples is as follows: 1. Visible roots are extracted. 2.1% HC1 is added (6-8 hours, below boiling point) to take out the carbonate. 3.1% NaOH is added (6-8 hours, below boiling point). Dissolvable fraction is precipitated by adding concentrated HC1. The precipitate, of which a major part consists of humus material, is washed, dried and named fraction SOL. The insoluble part of the sample, named fraction INS, consists mainly of the original organic material. This fraction therefore gives the most relevant age. The fraction SOL, on the other hand, gives information on the influence of possible contamination. Before the accelerator analysis of the 14C-content, the dried material is combusted to CO2 gas, which in its turn is con￾verted into solid graphite through a Fe-catalytic reaction. It is the fraction INS that is dated, and a correction equivalent to 13C = 25% against PDB is carried out (as informed by The Svedberg Laboratory). The dates were later calibrated at the Swedish Central Board of National Antiquities, Uppsala office, using CalibETH 1.5b (1991), a program for calibration developed at the Institute for Intermediate Energy Physics, ETH, Zurich, Switzerland. In this overview of dates, only the laboratory number (Ua), the context number (Con), the sample number, the un￾calibrated dates BP (Uncal), the calibrated age BC/AD (Cal), the calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability, one (Cuml) sigma (68.26 %) and two (Cum2) sigma (95.44 %) and, where relevant, the calibrated age ranges from probability density, one sigma (Deni) are given under each separate excavation. The laboratory reports and the full calibration data are available at the PGIAR Archive, Colombo. Aligala: Ua 5502 Con 8 Sample 5 Uncal: 2745 ± 75 BP Cal: 924 ± 78 BC Cuml: 998-848 BC Cum2: 1120-812 BC Deni: 985-955 BC (18.2 %) 944-829 BC (81.8 %) Ua 5503> Con 24 Sample 19 Uncal: 4645 ± 75 BP Cal: 3408 ± 126 BC Cuml: 3516-3270 BC Cum2: 3617-3126 BC Deni: 3606-3585 BC (7.0 %) 3519-3341 BC (93.0%) Ua 5504 Con 24 Sample 13 Uncal: 3780 ± 75 BP Cal: 2226 ± 117 BC Cuml: 2362-2119 BC Cum2: 2452-2006 BC Deni: 2346-2132 BC (92.8 %) 2070-2047 BC ( 7.2 %) Dehigaha-ala-kanda: Ua 5215 Con 11 (90) Uncal: 1950 ± 80 BP Cal: 40 ± 97 AD Cuml: 58 BC -131 AD Cum2: 157 BC - 227 AD Ua 5216 Con 3 (90) Uncal: 1930 ± 70 BP Cal: 66 ± 84 AD Cuml: 20 BC -150 AD Cum2: 99 BC - 228 AD Ua 5217 Con 2 (90) Uncal: 1790 ± 70 BP Cal: 231 ±84 AD Cuml: 143-321 AD Cum2: 77-390 AD Deni: 132-262 AD (76.7 %) 286-329 AD (23.3 %) Ua 5218 Con (furnace) 6B (90) Uncal: 1790 ± 70 BP Cal: 231 ±84 AD Cum1: 143-321 AD Deni: 404-338 BC (38.4 %) Cum2: 77-390 AD 324-203 BC (61.6 %) Deni: 132-262 AD (76.7 %) 286-329 AD (23.3 %) Ua 5509 Con (furnace) 27 (91) Sample 38 Uncal: 2060 ± 65 BP Cal: 94 ± 91 BC Cuml: 172- 8 BC Cum2: 334 BC - 61 AD Ua 5510 Con 67:0,6 (M2:91) Sample 39 Uncal: 1935 ± 75 BP Cal: 60 ± 90 AD Cuml: 32 BC -149 AD Cum2: 116 BC-232 AD Ua 5511 Con 72:1,45 (M2:91) Sample 40 Uncal: 1785 ± 75 BP Cal: 237 ± 89 AD Cuml: 143-329 AD Cum2: 71-401 AD Deni: 134-265 AD (72.5 %) 281-333 AD (27.5 %) Ibbankatuva-Polvatta: Ua 5564 Con 5 Sample 7 Uncal: 1645 ± 60 BP Cal: 396 ± 69 AD Cuml: 311-483 AD Cum2: 252-542 AD Deni: 262-286 AD (11.1 %) 330-453 AD (84.4 %) 487-498 AD (4.5 %) Ua 5565 Con 16 Sample 28 Uncal: 1605 ± 80 BP Cal: 442 ± 92 AD Cuml: 347-534 AD Cum2: 252-603 AD Deni: 349-358 AD ( 3.9 %) 374-547 AD (96.1 %) Ua 5566 Con 28 Sample 91 Uncal: 2275 ± 80 BP Cal: 338 ± 126 BC Cuml: 436-226 BC Cum2: 721-137 BC Den: 404-338 BC (38.4.%) 324-203 BC (61.6%) Mapagala: Ua 5219 Con 7 Uncal 1730±70BP Cal: 296 ± 83 AD Cuml: 211-378 AD Cum2: 130-458 AD Ua 5220 Con 9 Uncal: 1630 ± 80 BP Cal: 413 ± 96 AD Cuml: 306-514 AD Cum2: 226-588 AD Deni: 269-271 AD (1.2 %) 339-534 AD (98.8 %) Ua 5221 Con 5 Uncal: 1750 ± 70 BP Cal: 2755 ± 84 AD Cuml: 180-361 AD Cum2: 111-421 AD Deni: 151-152 AD (0.8%) 212-385 AD (99.2 %) Ua 5222 Con 3 Uncal: 17207 ± 0 BP Cal: 307 ± 83 AD Cuml: 226-387 AD Cum2: 137-483 AD Ua 5501 Con 38 Uncal: 1565 ± 55 BP Cal: 491 ± 59 AD Cuml: 432-550 AD CUM2: 368-601 AD Sigiri-Potana: Ua 5685 Con 3 Sample 1A Uncal: 4995 ± 60 BP Cal: 3819 ± 82 BC Cuml: 3913-3727 BC Cum2: 3955-3676 BC Deni: 3935-3872 BC (40.0 %) 3817-3774 BC (29.1 %) 3753-3705 BC (30.9 %) Ua 5686 Con 3 Sample IB Uncal: 4985 ± 85 BP Cal: 3804 ± 99 BC Cuml: 3916-3709 BC Cum2: 3971-3583 BC Deni: 3938-3865 BC (36.5 ‘ 3818-3699 BC (63.5 %) Sigiri Mahavava: Ua 1934 Con 16 Uncal: 2260 ± 100 BP Cal: 331 ± 151 BC Cuml: 464-201 BC Cum2: 731-81 BC Sigirivava: Ua 5562 Lay 9 Sample 6 Uncal: 1850 ± 90 BP Cal: 164 ± 106 AD Cuml: 59-275 AD Cum2: 55-373 AD Deni: 57-254 AD (95.7 %) 303-316 AD (4.3%) Ua 5563 Lay 7 Sample 7 Uncal: 1510 ±60 BP Cal: 534 ± 61 AD Cuml: 463-598 AD Cum2: 421-639 AD Talkote Pansalvatta SO. 10: Ua 1939 Tp 1 Con 3 Uncal: 1010 ± 90 BP Cal: 1026 ± 100 AD Cuml: 924-1134 AD Cum2: 812-1211 AD Deni: 899-910AD (4.4%) 948-1065 AD (62.8 %) 1074-1127 AD (22.8%) 1134-1157 AD (9.9%) Tammannagala: Ua 5505 Con 8 Sample 11 Uncal: 1170 ±70 BP Cal: 850 ± 79 AD Cuml: 767-937 AD Cum2: 691-989 AD Deni: 781-900 AD (75.0%) 904-952 AD (25.0%) Ua 5506 Con 27 Sample 29 Uncal: 1730 ± 65 BP Cal: 297 ± 78 AD Cuml: 219-374 AD Cum2: 137-434 AD Ua 5507 Con 1 Lev 1 Sample 3 Uncal: 1500 ± 65 BP Cal: 541 ± 64 AD Cuml: 466-607 AD Cum2: 421-646 AD Deni: 457-483 AD (15.5 %) 509-624 AD (84.5%) Ua 5508 Con 30 Sample 39 Uncal: 1565 ± 70 BP Cal: 486 ± 74 AD Cuml: 417-561 AD Cum2: 315-619 AD

Perspectives MATS MOGREN The general objectives for the Settlement Archaeology Program for the Sigiriya-Dambulla region were outlined in the first publication of the project (Mogren 1990). There was neither a tenable reason to change these general objectives, nor to alter the delineated research area that was chosen: the ‘Sigiri Bim’ (Bandaranayake 1990: 21; Mogren 1990: 53-54) when preparing the second and third fieldwork seasons. Well in advance of the outset of the 1989 field season, a three-stage education and research program was set up, com­ prising the survey work already completed in 1988 and con­ tinued into 1989, test-excavations to fill up the remainder of the 1989 season and a large-scale excavation stage scheduled for 1990. When this three-stage program was completed, a series of supplementary and specifically problem-oriented fie­ ldwork projects were planned, based on the experiences and results of the previous three years. Above all else we decided to work up and publish the results of the project in 1992 and 1993 c Partly owing to the constraints laid upon the 1989 fiel­d work, as explained below, it was quite clear by the end of the 1989 season however, that the entire research area could not be covered within the intended limits of the project (in spite of the fact that the program had been extended from 5 to 6 years). We did not want to confine ourselves to a spatial survey for sites, as the constraints of those years would have forced us had we maintained the intention to cover the entire ‘Sigiri Bim’. Having to take educational as well as scientific aspects into consideration, the three-stage program was settled on once and for all. The unstable situation at the outset of the season neces­ sitated some major changes in the field program outlined in the first publication (Mogren 1990). The field season of 1989, that was planned for eight weeks, from August 28 to October 20, was crippled from the start by a week-long work stoppage at national level and subsequent tensions connected to the prevailing situation in Sri Lanka at that time. Fieldwork com­ menced on September 11 and was re-phased to go on until October 27, thus giving seven weeks in the field. Violence broke out in the central part of the research area on October s, followed by a noticeable rise in tension in the area. This made it necessary to change our plans anew. The program was halted on October 18, with only minor tasks lingering on. Thus, the main share of the fieldwork for 1989 was effectively done in only five weeks. The objectives for the period comprised: (a) continuation of the general survey of 1988 in the Mirisgoni Oya basin and the northern part of the Sigiri Oya basin; (b) a re-survey of sections of the southern Sigiri Oya basin, using the field-walk­ ing methods of the Kiri Oya survey of 1988; (c) mapping of the monastic complexes of Ramakale and Pidurangala; (d) continuation of the work in the Eastern Precinct of Sigiriya; (e) an extensive test excavation program including sites in the Kiri Oya basin as well as the Sigiri Oya basin; (f) a planned coring program comprising about 25 irrigation tanks, in order to ob­ tain material for macro-fossil analysis as well as for the dating of the tanks; (g) an extensive spatial and technological study of the irrigation system of the area; (h) an ethno-archaeological study of methods and technology of food procurement; (i) a sub-program of iron production studies, confined mainly to the Kiri Oya basin; and (j) the commencement of an ecology program for the study of vegetation, soils, hydrology, climate and mineral resources of the area. With the unstable situation prevailing during 1989, it was decided to postpone all work in peripheral areas and, instead, to intensify work in closer proximity to the Sigiriya complex. Thus, the general survey and the test excavations in the Kiri Oya basin had to be left out completely, and adjustments had to be made in the irrigation study. The iron production study was postponed until the 1990 season (see below). The mapping of Ramakale and Pidurangala was intended to commence in May 1989, but could not be started until September 11, owing to the unstable situation in the preceding months. Thus, no work was done in the Pidurangala complex during the main field season. It was carried out in May and June 1990 instead. The mapping of Ramakale was stopped temporarily in late October, but was recommenced and com­ pleted during November and December. The coring program too, had to be postponed, owing to security constraints and lack of necessary equipment. Of the different areas of the ecology program only the vegetation survey could be commenced. In advance of the 1990 season another attempt was made to implement a coring program, but neither the necessary equipment, nor the know how required to run it, was available. During the 1990 fieldwork season it was decided to let that third season become the last of the general, or ‘ground-level’, field-school in settlement archaeology, and to shift emphasis to a ‘dissertation-oriented’ program from 1991 onwards. As a result it became apparent that a coring program would have to be abandoned. This is regrettable indeed, and the necessity of such an investigation still remains (Mogren 1990: 58). So far this is the sole major setback of the project, but attempts to solve the problems regarding dating, construction and decline of tanks have been made during the 1989-1991 seasons, using alternative methods (see below and Myrdal this volume). The results of these studies will be published as a separate volume (Myrdal forthcoming). As was originally planned, the main emphasis during the 1989 season was on test excavations, but these were to be confined to the Sigiriya environs. The focus of attention for the intensified survey, the ethno-archaeological and the irrigation studies, was the village of Talkote. Objectives for 1990 Even though the adjustments and ad-hoc solutions of the 1989 season had changed the pre-requisites of the continua­ tion of the program considerably, it was decided to stick to the original plan of making the third field season the culmina­ tion of the ‘field-school’, by carrying out a number of large scale excavations comprising different types of sites and the initiation of the iron-production sub-program (see below). Further to this, surveying and test excavations were to be continued on a limited scale and the ethno-archaeology and irrigation studies were to be continued as parallel sub-pr­ ograms. As the security situation had changed radically for the better in the research area after May 1990, the planned pro­ gram was carried out successfully. METHODOLOGY OF THE 1989 AND 1990 FIELDWORK Team formation 1989 Apart from the Swedish consultants, the 1989 field team con­ sisted of 35 Lankan participants drawn from the PGIAR, four different universities, the Sigiriya Cultural Triangle Project, the Archaeological Department and the Institute of Fun­ damental Studies. The team included two drivers as well. The team was headed by Raj Somadeva, Assistant Lec­ turer at the PGIAR. Eva Myrdal of the University of Gothen­ burg and the present writer, an Executive Research Officer at the Swedish Central Board of National Antiquities, formed the consultant component of the team who - together with Raj Somadeva - provided the main field direction. The team was divided into four sub-units: I. The Agro-technology and Irrigation Survey Unit, working mainly in and around Talkote, carrying out a re-exploration of that area. II. The Rural Settlement Unit, working on test excava­ tions mainly in the Talkote area. III. The Urban Settlement Unit, working with survey­ ing and test excavations in the Eastern Precinct of the Sigiriya complex. IV. The Ramakale Complex Mapping Unit, which in­ cluded the vegetation survey. These units were supported by a Small Finds and Pottery Recording Unit and a photographer. In Colombo, an oste­ ologist worked on the bone material from the excavations. Additionally, nearly fifty labourers were connected to the field team. Figure 2:2 Map showing 1989 work sites. Team formation 1990 As in previous years, the team was drawn from archaeo­ logists, graduates and undergraduates from the PGLAR, the universities (mostly Kelaniya and Peradeniya), the Archae­ ological Department, the Cultural Triangle and the Institute of Fundamental Studies. Raj Somadeva headed the field team this season. Mats Mogren, Eva Myrdal and Svante Forenius, an Executive Research Officer of the Swedish Central Board of National Antiquities, acted as consultants who provided field direction. Dag Noreus, of the Department of Structural Chemistry at Stockholm University, and Gert Magnusson, of the Department of Archaeology of Stockholm University, were attached as special consultants to the iron production sub-project. The team numbered 53 persons, excluding consultants and field directors. Of these, 46 persons worked throughout the field season. About 50 labourers also worked in the project. Six sub-units were set up: I. The Tammannagala Village Settlement Excavation Unit. II. The Aligala Pre-historic Camp-site Excavation U- nit. `. III. The Mapagala Central Place Excavation Unit. IV. The Dehigaha-ala-kanda Iron Production Site Ex­ cavation Unit. V. The Survey and Mapping Unit. VI. The Ethno-archaeology and Irrigation Survey Unit These units were supported by additional personnel carrying out pottery analysis, bone analysis and special photography. Each sub-unit was headed by one or two experienced Lankan team members. Svante Forenius worked as a consultant with sub-unit IV, and Eva Myrdal likewise with sub-unit VI. Mats Mogren and Raj Somadeva, chief co-ordinator of the fiel­ dwork, acted as consultants to the other sub-units. Field-walking In the field season of 1988, the general survey for sites in the Kiri Oya basin was carried out. Applying the combined me­ thods of interviewing villagers and extensive field-walking, accessible tracts of land were covered. In the Sigiri Oya and Mirisgoni Oya basins, the interview method only was used (Mogren 1990: 54-55; Manatunga 1990: 78). The result was a different settlement pattern in the Kiri Oya basin from that in the other basins. In the second field season an attempt was made to test these findings - as to whether this was due to the fact that the western basins are predominantly tank-irrigated areas, whereas the tanks in the Kiri Oya basin are few, since water is available Figure 2:3 Map showing 1990 work sites. through perennial natural springs; 9r, on the other hand, wh­ ether the differing results were due to the difference in the method applied. The area chosen for this survey was an area of appr­ oximately 8km2, comprising the combined catchment and co­ mmand areas of the irrigation tanks belonging to Talkote village, currently in use, as well as those now abandoned, with the addition of the Pidurangala Temple tank and the Sigiri Oya stream bed within the Talkote area. The plotting of sites, as well as tanks and canals, was done in the field on enlarged aerial photographs with a scale of approximately 1:4000. Before the 1988 season only one site, SO. 10, was known to archaeologists (Bandaranayake 1984: 5). Applying the in­ terview method in the 1988 fieldwork, another eight sites were found. The field-walking method applied in 1989 added an­ other 35 sites within that area. (During 1990 an additional 12 sites were registered). The results of the survey will be given more elaborately elsewhere in this volume (Mogren: "The Archaeology of Ta­ lkote"), but in evaluating the methodology that was used, some general conclusions can be made: no other method can replace field-walking. Any spatial analysis must be founded on exten­ sive explorations on foot. It must be evident to anyone that 44 (or 56) sites in a given area tell more about settlement structure than 9. The argument that good results can be obtained by compil­ ing results from old reports and studying available maps and aerial photographs is, to a great extent, a misconception. The one-inch-to-a-mile maps are of little use for this purpose, as they give a good general view of the area studied, but the scale is much too small for accurate plotting of sites. Furthermore, apart from the fact that roads and village sites have been moved in the three decades since the maps were drawn and printed, it is evident that one has to contend with a certain degree of negligence in the detail plotting of features like medium and small-size irrigation tanks, not to mention all the tanks omitted by the survey. The surveyors, of course, cannot be blamed for not paying enough respect to the demands of future archaeologists; but it would be wise in the future not to rely solely on the one-inch maps for the plotting of sites. So, for want of reliable maps, one must fall back on aerial photographs. These have been in use since the 1989 field season. In most cases sites could be plotted with an accuracy within a few meters, without theodolite or tape, owing to the fact that features like separate buildings, rocks, or even trees, could be identified in the photographs. Though the aerial ph­ otographs are absolutely indispensable for this kind of work, a word of caution must be given. We have found that even though they give an excellent and detailed view of the present cultural landscape, they may not reflect the whole picture of the past cultural landscape, a fact that could direct the ar­ chaeological exploration away from certain areas, in a situa­ tion where time and resources are limited, which in turn will give a spatial analysis of a corroborative nature. One very glaring example of this is given in the Talkote report (Mogren below). Between the Talkote Pahalavava and the Pidurangala Pahalavava, a vast cultural landscape has be­ gun to emerge around the abandoned Siyambalankoratuva- vava, one of the largest tanks of Talkote, but nothing of this cultural landscape, not even the presence of the ancient tank, was discernible from the aerial photographs. In evaluating the method it can be established that there really is a difference between the settlement patterns of the Kiri Oya basin and the Sigiri Oya basin, largely due to the differing means of water supply; but field-walking has shown that the picture is much more complex, both in a spatial and a diachronic sense, than that of the general taken-for-granted view of a ‘one-village-one-tank’ pattern that is predominant in much of the geographical and historical literature on the sub­ ject published to date. Apart from the Talkote survey, a minor survey on foot was carried out in the environs of Nagalavava monastery and vil­ lage. Prior to 1988, only the monastic site was known to archaeologists; and in 1988 one settlement site was enco­ untered. In 1989, six more sites were found in the vicinity. This minor survey could comprise the nucleus for a major exploration of the Talkote type. Considering the source-critical aspects of the 1989 field­ walking, it must be stated that just as in the 1988 Kiri Oya survey, the emerging pattern of some areas may be showing accessible areas as much as a true settlement pattern (changes over time disregarded). This is especially true of the areas around Siyambalankoratuvavava and Halmillavava, where the dense scrub vegetation made a thorough exploration and ac­ curate plotting of tanks impossible. During 1990, when the team started to take an interest in the paddy fields, yet another methodological advance regard­ ing field-walking was made. The paddy fields between the Sigiri Oya and the Talkote-Kimbissa road were chosen for a very thorough field-walking exploration by sub-unit VI. The choice was based on indications of habitational remains in the area. Several sites were found, interpreted as being parts of the Sigiriya urban habitational area. These results have further highlighted the risk that archaeologists run in taking the cul­ tural landscape for granted (Mogren: "The Archaeology of Talkote" this volume). With regard to the case of the deposition-erosion problem, other source-critical considerations discussed in the first publi­ cation of the project (Mogren 1990) are still valid. The er- osional processes which have altered the course of the Sigiri Oya, notably in the area west and north-west of the Sigiriya garden complex, have revealed a few sites along the old st­ ream bed with a dense scatter of pottery, also chert and quartz flakes and possibly buried cultural layers. This hinted of a buried cultural landscape, which, if fully revealed, will make the settlement pattern even more complex. The presence of several prehistoric sites in the area stresses the complexity further (see Adikari this volume). This will have to be a task for future research. One also has to consider the fact that this survey was made during the last weeks of the dry season and the very first rains of the Maha season (the north-east monsoon). For various reasons, this period seems to provide optimum conditions for exploration on foot. One area-specific aspect is that the stream beds, as in the Sigiri Oya, must be explored in advance of the date when Mahavali water is led in, at the outset of the Maha season. Another aspect is that undergrowth is very sparse in the dry season, so that pottery, iron slag etc. are easily detectable when field-walking. After the first few showers, vegetation growth makes it difficult to explore the area. There is, however, one great advantage in those first rains: the possibility of detecting hidden structures through crop-marks. This was dramatically enhanced after the second rain shower of the 1989 season, when site SO. 26 was revisited. The site was recorded at the first visit as a stone pillar structure, about 5x6m in extent. After the first rains there were wall-lines of a 10x18m structure, clearly visible as an area devoid of vegetation (see fig. 6:4 in Mogren: "The Archaeology of Talkote" below). This also stresses the necessity for revisiting sites. It is indeed vain to think that everything that can be known about a site, without digging, is at hand after the first visit. All the sites of the study area around Talkote were visited at least twice, and in nearly all those cases some new information was added at the second visit, mainly due to variable conditions like vegetation, angle of sunlight etc. Just as in 1988, sites were designated as areas with a fair amount of pottery, lithic artefacts, iron slag, scattered tile pi­ eces and/or bricks. Sites with structural remains, such as stone pillars, and in a few cases sites with a tradition of having been settlements were considered as sites too. Sampling was done whenever necessary. Some field-walking explorations were carried out in the Eastern Precinct of the Sigiriya complex as well. In this case the method was somewhat different: the crest of the inner ramparts was followed in its entire length, by cutting the scrub vegetation; and finally the whole area within the ramparts was covered in one single sweep, carried out by a chain of around 40 people (Karunaratne this volume). It is apparent, and naturally so, that after a few years of work with the archaeological landscape and its remains, as our knowledge grows deeper and wider our views of the sites are changing too. This is a natural part of the research process: a process that never comes to a halt. Thus, an interpretation of a site or a pattern that is published or presented to colleagues and the public, in some form, should always be seen as a mere take-off for further research, never* as an absolute fact, or termination of study. It must be understood, therefore, that no matter how many times one returns to a given site, it does not represent a truly complete understanding of a past reality. This fact has been reiterated many times during the course of the project, espe­ cially with regard to concepts like settlement patterns, site clusters, etc. The Kiri Oya survey, carried out in 1988, pr­ ovided a rather substantial amount of material which was very tempting for use in spatial analyses. A few attempts were made to delineate clusters, forming a modular settlement pat­ tern (Manatunga 1990: 74, 78-80; Mogren 1990: 50), but as research proceeded, the complexity of settlement patterns em­ erged, both in the Kiri Oya valley and other parts of our research area. So, it is very evident that the validity of earlier interpretations can and should be questioned. One can still talk generally of a modular pattern, but the concept of site clusters should be used with caution, and cluster delineation, it must be understood, can be nothing but tentative sketches at the present level of knowledge. The complexity of the settlement patterns of the western basins is discussed below (Mogren: "The Ar­ chaeology of Talkote" this volume). Irrigation and agro-technological studies Irrigation studies in the research area have been concentrated on two main objects: the tank system of Talkote (including the Sigiri Mahavava) and the abandoned canal complex be­ tween Vavala and the Sigiriya-Diyakapilla road. The study of the irrigation system of Talkote has two aspects: the spatial aspect was covered through field-walking in combination with the exploration for sites (see above). All the irrigation tanks of the study area, both abandoned and in use, that are known by name to the villagers of Talkote, were visited and plotted with the aid of the aerial photographs. The main direction of water flow, the location of sluices in use and remnants of ancient sluices were marked. A tank, abandoned for a time long enough for the ‘village memory’ to forget even its name, was also encountered during the field-walking. The main difficulty of this spatial study was to delineate the high water areas of abandoned tanks. The Halmillavava and the Siyambalankoratuvavava presented difficulties beca­ use of dense vegetation. To get an estimate of the tank areas is of relevance to our study, as there seems to be a rough correla­ tion between tank area and the extent of paddy lands watered by the tank (see Myrdal below). One way of doing it could be through a series of near infra-red aerial photographs, taken at different times of the year. This would undoubtedly reveal any undetected tanks as well. There is a strong possibility that there might be several micro-tanks in the area, such as the Kotalahimbutugahavava, which have been forgotten by the villagers. This will have to be an objective for future work in the area, as its implementation will not be possible within the limited scope of the present project. Special attention has been given to what may be called the micro-level of village irrigation systems: vav kotu and amunu, which are in fact reservoirs of much smaller size than a vava. These have played an important role in the irrigation systems of wet rice culture. This study has, to a great extent, been true pioneering work, as there seems to be a general silence regard­ ing these minor reservoirs in the literature on the subject. The aspects of labour input and supportive capacity of tank irrigation were covered through interviews with vel vidane and other villagers. The methodology of the irrigation study will be described at length by Myrdal, in a forthcoming volume. Although, as stated above, the planned coring program could not be implemented during the 1989 and 1990 season, tank archaeology was not restricted to surface investigations only. While in the field, it was decided to dig two test pits in the bund of the abandoned Sigiri Mahavava, by far the largest irrigation tank of the research area. The main objective was to probe for material that could date the tank. The task was made considerably easier by choosing a site where the bund had breached (site SO. 21), but digging was very hard work. The labourers had to use a heavy crowbar to penetrate the well- built bund. From some of the layers, notably the cultural deposit immediately beneath the bund construction, charcoal was sampled for analysis (see below). Luckily the project had the opportunity to investigate the bund of the Talkote Pahalavava with very little effort, as it happened that the bund was rebuilt during the fieldwork pe­ riod, when it was trenched to let out the water, so that a caterpillar was able to work inside the tank. Thus we got an entire section through the bund. A sociology student, Kamal Herath, did a series of inter­ views on irrigation facilities with the former vel vidane of six villages in the study area. These results will be referred to by Myrdal in a forthcoming volume. The ethno-archaeological study of food procurement tech­ niques, intimately connected to the irrigation studies which commenced in the second field season was, to a great extent, carried out through interviews. This program is described by Myrdal and associates in a separate section below. Test excavations The first season of excavation was in 1989. There were 17 test pits excavated in 9 different locations (8 in Talkote, 5 in the Eastern Precinct, 2 on Mapagala and 2 adjacent to Mapag- ala in the Sigiri Mahavava bund). The levels of the Sigiriya grid system were transferred to the different sites and free-standing grid systems were estab­ lished with theodolite, or a level instrument equipped with gradient. Pits 2x2m were demarcated and surface finds were collected separately. Digging was done by a team of labourers with trowels and small pick-axes and, as a rule, the soil was sieved. The teams tried to excavate stratigraphically, but as the layers often had a thickness of several decimeters, they were also subdivided into arbitrary spits of 5-10cm thickness. The levels of each layer interface and arbitrary spits were taken before the excavation could proceed. Structural remains, if any, were photographed, drawn to scale (1:20), levels indicated, and described for documenta­ tion. After virgin soil was reached, sections were drawn and described and soil samples collected. Pits were marked in site plans or, as in the case of sites SO. 10 and SO. 25-28, in a master plan of the central and northern parts of Talkote village (map nos. 6:4 and 6:8). Excavations on a larger scale The test-excavations gave only a comprehension of the nature of cultural deposition, stratigraphic sequences and state of preservation in the area, i.e. we gained experience of how to dig rural sites in the Dry Zone. At the outset of our third fieldwork season we still knew nothing about rural construc­ tional remains, dating, material standard etc. of the sites kn­ own to us. In the field season of 1990, excavations were generally carried out on a somewhat larger scale than before. The test excavations of the preceding season naturally formed the basis of knowledge when sites were chosen for excavation. With so many unknown factors at play and the short time-span of only three or four additional fieldwork seasons, it became necessary to choose sites that had indications of differing chronological, technological and social variables. Four different sites were chosen. Two of these were exten­ sions of very promising test pits excavated in 1989: the Aligala mesolithic site and the Tammannagala village site. The mesolithic camp site at Aligala is situated within the area that later became the citadel part of the Sigiriya complex, on the eastern side of the rock. This was not the first time mesolithic remains had been encountered in the lowland Dry Zone of Sri Lanka (see Adikari this volume), but it was the very first attempt to do some structured, problem-oriented research on the subject (see Karunaratne and Adikari this volume). The other was within the very promising ancient village site at Tammannagala, on the southern outskirts of Talkote. It is not only a very large settlement site with a relatively deep stratigraphy, but it is situated in a ‘model’ gamgoda position at the southern end of the Talkote Ihalavava. The connection to the vava is still mainly spatial; we know nothing about the age of the tank itself, but if it can be dated, we might also get a notion of the age of the gamgoda locations (see further discus­ sions in Mogren: ’’The Archaeology of Talkote" this volume). The importance of this excavation is that it is the first attempt to excavate a village site in Sri Lanka, and it should be re­ garded as an attempt to get acquainted with an archaeological record absolutely unknown until then. The excavation met severe setbacks through the interven­ tion of termites: about one-fifth of the very extensive pottery assemblage had to be left out of the analysis, since the bags and labels were destroyed by the uncompromising little crea­ tures before in-depth analysis could be carried out. A prelimi­ nary recording was made prior to the termite attack. In Sweden there are no termites, but a similar problem has been met: mildewing cardboard labels. For a number of years, a system of aluminium tabs, punched in advance with the signum of the excavation and a running-number series has been in use. Extra information required could be inscribed with a pin, but is preferably kept in a separate register. It may be worth considering a similar system to counteract termite problems in Sri Lanka. In spite of those setbacks in the Tammannagala excava­ tion, it produced some good results (see Somadeva and Kas- thurisinghe this volume). The somewhat bewildering results from the test pits ex­ cavated on top of Mapagala, and the lucky coincidence of finding a settlement site beneath the bund of the Sigiri Ma- havava, just south of Mapagala, urged us to continue the re­ search regarding this important, but largely unknown central place. Working on a hypothesis that the ‘cyclopean’ walls of Mapagala represented a phase of local authority earlier than the Kasyapan palace of Sigiriya, we were attempting to pr­ oduce a chronologically more differentiated view of social stratification and administration than had previously been at hand. It can be stated here that we were successful and that the excavation produced results that have given the area a greater stretch of a contiguous political history than before. The ex­ cavation was important also in a methodological sense, as it turned into a workshop on stratigraphical analysis. This aspect of work also produced good results in that it was a sound practical training for the participating archaeologists in the intricacies of the Harris matrix method (see Kumaradasa this volume). In choosing the fourth site, we thought it very important and timely to commence the long planned iron production study. The large site at Dehigaha-ala-kanda (KO. 14) close to the village of Alakolavava, was the natural choice. The survey for sites in the Kiri Oya valley in 1988 had revealed a number of slag sites, indicating very large scale iron production in the area (Manatunga 1990: 80-84; Manjusri 1990; Mogren 1990: 58-59). Other indicators of iron produc­ tion have been found, most notably the conical holes in at least ten different sites within the research area. The quartz waste that is found in close proximity to these conical holes, a result of crushing the ore-bearing rock and separating the ore, is another such indicator. During the subsequent seasons iron production sites were found in the three other main basins of our research area, and even though sites of this type have not been searched for systematically (until the 1992 season), these random examples prove that the ‘Sigiri Bim’ has been a major iron producing area of the ancient world. Should an islandwide survey be carried out, this would probably be valid for Sri Lanka as a whole. The necessity for such a large scale survey for iron production sites cannot be over stressed. The Dehigaha-ala-kanda site was the one best known to us, so its choice was natural. It was lucky too, because the site proved not only to be very large but also extremely well preserved, and two years (1990-1991) of excavations have yielded excellent results. These will be presented at length in a separate, forthcoming volume of the project, but a brief and preliminary presentation of the excavation is given elsewhere in this volume by Forenius and Solangaarachchi. THE 1991 SEASON In 1991 large scale excavations were commenced at two new sites: the very promising remains of a mesolithic camp site in one of the caves of the Potana monastic site, between In- amaluva and Kimbissa; and the PHEH village site at Ib- bankatuva-Polvatta, apparently the settlement site to which the megalithic cemetery at Ibbankatuva belongs (see fig. 8:3). This settlement site was found in 1988 during the Cultural Triangle excavations and explorations at Ibbankatuva (Se- neviratne 1990, note 3). Both these sites, as well as Dehigaha- ala-kanda and the irrigation study sites, have been excavated as parts of the ‘dissertation-oriented’ second stage of the SARCP program, and will be published separately, but are presented in very brief preliminary outline elsewhere in this volume (Adikari; Karunaratne). Figure 2:4 Map showing 1991 work sites. Method and implementation problems in settlement excavations There are a few aspects of the methodology of excavations which require further elaboration: firstly, the ground was more than often extremely hard to dig, so trowelling was impossible and we had to rely on pick-axes. Water was used extensively to soften the ground in the Dehigaha-ala-kanda excavation, but only to a limited extent in the other sites, because it made sieving difficult and flowing water, which may have enabled wet-sieving, was never at hand. Using pick-axes has its drawbacks of course; layer interfaces (which are in any case difficult to distinguish) may be damaged, not to mention structural remains and artefacts, but without these tools excavations are impossible. To be able, at least to some extent, to counteract this shortcoming, we advise a method of excavation where ar­ bitrary spits of 5cm or, in a few cases up to 10cm, are used, thus diminishing the possible risk of destroying a layer inter­ face. Of course, a strict stratigraphical excavation method sh­ ould be the fundamental strategy. Pottery and small finds should be collected separately for each arbitrary spit and/or stratigraphical unit. Levels of ‘spit interfaces’ should be me­ asured and documented. Connected to this is the fact that other than in exceptional situations, actual digging was not done by the research assis­ tants in the first year of excavations. Unskilled labour may acquire quite a high degree of sensitivity to shifts in the soil matrix, but they are not inclined to ask the relevant questions and may thus pick away an earthen floor or some other subtle structure without knowing it. This of course is an important source-critical aspect of the work that was done in 1989, but it need not be so in the future. Already in the 1990 season the extent to which the archaeologists carried out actual digging improved considerably, and from 1991 it has become compul­ sory. We think it advisable to abandon totally the old ‘super­ visor system’ and have the research assistants participating more in the physical work, thus acquiring a tactile sensitivity to changes in the soil matrix. This would improve the scientific standard of Lankan archaeology considerably. One practical consideration could be worth mentioning: in our excavations, the amount of pottery found has by far ex­ ceeded our expectations. This has created a problem in the handling of the material. Extra shelter for the pottery had to be provided very much ad hoc, and a lot of extra manpower had to be transferred to the pottery registration unit. It would be wise to plan future excavations of settlement sites according to these experiences, i.e. to make sure there is enough storage room and manpower available before starting to dig. It would also be wise to refrain from excavations that are not absolutely problem-oriented. This also goes for the sampling done th­ rough walking explorations. Only a few potsherds, necessary for establishing the character of the site, should be collected. It would reduce the storage and handling problem, and further­ more, pottery is of higher value to future research in its or­ iginal site than in a storage room, where nobody has the time to attend to it and the termites, perhaps, will eat the labels and make them useless. Mapping Apart from the mapping that was done in the Talkote area, supportive to the excavations, a large-scale mapping project was carried out in the Ramakale monastic complex, by a sub-unit headed by Jayarathne Sooriyagoda, in 1989. A free­ standing grid-system was established from a zero line running north-south, the entire area (comprising 340,000m2) was ex­ plored, all structural remains were plotted in a master plan of the area and detail drawings made. The Ramakale area is covered with dense vegetation (secondary forest) so the work involved the participation of a large contingent of labourers for clearing traverse lines (at every 50th meter) and structures. This research will be reported on separately. Work at Ramakale was stopped directly after the October 8 incident. Thus the mapping could not be completed within the limits of the main field season, but was resumed later and finalized in late December. Out of the Ramakale team, a number were chosen to form an independent mapping unit, headed by Lalani Amaratunge and Deepani Edirisooriya. During May and June 1990 this unit carried out a similar operation in the so-called ‘archaeological forest’ at the Pidurangala Temple. The remains of the free­ standing monastic complex was mapped on a master plan and detail drawings made. At this stage of the fieldwork the mapping team had de­ veloped into a fairly skilled unit, so it was kept intact during the 1990 main field season as well and used for extensive mapping operations in Mapagala and Dehigaha-ala-kanda. Epigraphic studies The study of the epigraphy of the research area, undertaken by the field director Raj Somadeva, comprised the making of estampages. During the main field season of 1989 alone, 107 estampages were made and a total of 299 estampages made during the timespan of the project. These include inscribed bricks. Of them, a large number were unknown to archa­ eologists before the outset of our project (see Somadeva this volume). Somadeva has been working systematically with a type of ‘field epigraphy’ that may very well stand as a model for future investigations. A complete catalogue and an in- depth analysis of the epigraphical evidence of the region will be published as a separate monograph. Vegetation survey In commencing the extensive ecological study of the research area, a vegetation study in the secondary forest at Ramakale was carried out by T.R. Premathilake. Later similar work was carried out at Pidurangala and Ibbankatuva. The method and results of these surveys are presented in a separate volume (Epitawatte and Premathilake forthcoming). Paleobotanical investigations have been carried out by Pr­ emathilake in connection with the Potana mesolithic camp site excavation during the 1991 season, and will be presented in the monograph on that sub-project. Analyses Osteological analysis of the bones and molluscs from the Aligala excavation (see P.B. Karunaratna 1989 unpubl.), was done at a preliminary stage by R.M.M. Chandraratna and later by P.B. Karunaratna and Kelum Nalinda, at the PGIAR, in Colombo. Charcoal has been sampled at all the excavated sites and sent to Sweden for 14C analysis. The analysis using the ac­ celerator method is being carried out at The Svedberg Lab­ oratory, Uppsala University, by a team headed by Goran Possnert. (A few samples have also been analysed at the Laboratory for Isotope Geology at the National Museum for Natural History, Stockholm, using the conventional method.) A short description of the preparatory treatment and the re­ sults, including calibrations, are presented in appendix II be­ low, called "14C-datings". Soil samples are collected as a rule from all the excavated sites. A soil sample register has been maintained and the samples, are kept stored at Sigiriya, in advance of floatation. Some sediment samples, taken in an exposed section from the bottom layers of the collapsed Peikkulam tank, were prepared for pollen analysis at the Central Board of National Antiq­ uities, Uppsala, Sweden, by Ingemar Pohlsson. The pre-treat- ment of the samples was made according to the traditional acetolysis method, i.e. dispersion in KOH, removal of cel­ lulose with 9ml C4H6O3 + 1ml H2SO4 (acetolysis) and, in the present case, removal of minerogenic matter with HF. The microscopical investigation has shown that the pollen material is in a very good state of preservation. Hence further pollen analytical investigations may give important contributions to the development of the cultural landscape (as informed by Ingemar Pohlsson).Slag and to some extent iron ore were sampled whenever encountered in field-walking and at excavations; furnace wall fragments and tuyeres were also sampled. In addition to this, during a geological mapping of the area, as a part of his work for an M.Phil. Research Project in geo-archaeology, five sets of samples have been collected by Ranjith L. Dias of the Mahaweli Authority. The samples have been collected in the search for the iron ore and flux mineral sources of the De- higaha-ala-kanda iron production. A large number of samples from the project work have been taken to Sweden for analysis. The analysis is being carried out at the Arrhenius Laboratory, Stockholm University, by Dag Noreus of the Department of Structural Chemistry, Stockholm University, and his staff. Noreus has also visited the Dehigaha-ala-kanda site twice, during ongoing excavations in 1990 and 1991, which has enabled him to take part in the sampling as well as carry out these analyses in an extraordinarily problem-oriented way. Gert Magnusson of the Archaeological Department of Stock­ holm University, has also visited the site twice and taken an active part in discussions on the analyses. A detailed report on the chemistry of Dehigaha-ala-kanda and adjacent iron-pr­ oduction sites will soon be published in a separate monograph on the excavations. STRATEGIES FOR THE FUTURE In retrospect, we all think that a surprisingly large volume of research work came out of the project, despite the tensions of the late 1980’s, but there is no denying that several objectives were left unfulfilled. Had conditions been more conducive, a much broader data base would have been at hand for spatial analyses, and the opportunity to explore in remote areas as well would have been available. These constraints on exploration also affected the training program, for in 1988, when most of the field-walk­ ing was done, only a handful of students participated in the project work. Most of them later left the project for various reasons and did not take part in the excavation program. In 1989, 35 students participated under very trying conditions, but very few of them had had, or got, any exploration practice. The group was enlarged to 53 students in 1990. In order not to lose pace in the general training program and out-research strategies, it was decided to concentrate the bulk of effort on large scale excavation, so exploration training was negligible and the results merely marginal and complementary. As 1990 was also the last year of the general ‘field school’, in order to get qualitative as well as quantitative results out of the SARCP, we decided to let year four and five become ‘dissertation-oriented’. At the same time it was decided to make a proposal to SAREC to extend the project time-span for an extra year, totalling six years. The main objective of these three last years was to foster research for a number of Ph.D. and M.A. dissertations, based on results obtained within the SARCP. It is open to controversy whether a country like Sri Lanka should strive to educate a broad base of knowledgeable ar­ chaeologists, or a qualified apex of young, well qualified re­ searchers. The truth is that there is no simple answer. A total effort to bring out a broad base will most certainly be benefi­ cial to the general understanding of historical values and to heritage management, and probably also to the quest towards a total survey of sites, which is very much needed in countries like Sri Lanka. However, a generation of ‘barefoot archa­ eologists’ will produce almost no research at all of internation­ al value, which would leave the field totally open to foreigners to draw all the relevant conclusions and gain all the academic credit. One of the main objectives of SARCP is to counteract such a situation. The best thing to do therefore, is to work towards both quantity and quality. The ‘dissertation-oriented’ second phase is therefore consistent with the original project layout. This phase, in one sense, was initiated in 1990. The Aligala and Dehigaha-ala-kanda excavations started that year will es­ tablish foundations for M.A. research. This work was con­ tinued in 1991, the first year of the second phase proper. Aligala was followed by the excavation of the larger Potana site; and at Dehigaha-ala-kanda a second field season yielded results that partly changed the views and deductions of 1990. The continuation of fieldwork in the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region can be divided into two separate phases: intra-SARCP work and post-SARCP work. The objectives of the final years of the project can be sketched by a foreign consultant, of course, but when it comes to post-SARCP work, nothing ex­ cept suggestions, based on previous experiences, can be sub­ mitted - a suggestion that must remain personal, placing nobody under any obligations, but nevertheless a serious-mi­ nded contribution, for what it is worth. Intra-SARCP fieldwork will be reduced considerably from 1992 onwards. In the 1992 season only two new tasks will be attempted. The irrigation study program will continue for yet another season, comprising a ‘well survey’, intending to col­ lect datable material from wells dug within the ancient Sigiri Mahavava, and an effort to solve the riddles of the man-made canal running between Vavalavava and the environs of the Sigiriya-Diyakapilla road. The iron production study will concentrate on a survey for production sites in the Mirisgoni Oya basin in 1992, with a view to gaining a better understanding of the physical and social parameters of the iron industry of the region. This sur­ vey may also form a pilot study for a suggested iron produc­ tion site survey on a national scale, a task that can never be part of SARCP, since the scope of such a study is much larger than the Swedish-Lankan archaeology collaboration was ever in­ tended to be. SARCP merely wants to indicate how such a study could be undertaken by doing it on a micro scale. The irrigation study may be supplemented by a limited test excavation program, in an attempt to connect the results ob­ tained from investigating the irrigation facilities proper with their spatially related settlement sites. Whether any other fieldwork will take place at all during 1993 is still undecided. Possibly some spillover from earlier seasons, in the form of unfinished research tasks, might come up on the agenda, but that will be limited to checking on missing details. One objective from the very first season of fieldwork was partly carried out outside the SARCP framework: further in­ vestigations regarding the so-called ‘Maradanmaduva-Tabbo- va’ culture (Mogren 1990: 52), that is, the primitive terracottas known from a number of sites in Sri Lanka, most notably in the Vanni district (see distribution map in Nanda -deva 1990: 220). Within the research area of SARCP, this type of terracottas is known from five different sites. The best known, which also have yielded the largest material, are Ilukvava (Nandadeva 1990) and Manavava (Manatunga 1990 b). An investigation of the Manavava site was conducted in 1992 by Anura Ma­ natunga, former field director of SARCP. The main objectives in the two last years of the project (1993/94) are to concentrate on the field data, analyses, report writing and publishing. It is our intention that all the publica­ tions will be available by June 30th 1994, after which date the project will be closed. By now the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region, archaeologically, is probably the best known micro-region of the island; but the archaeological potential of the area is so enormous that this six-year project must be regarded only as a launching pad for further research. The results from SARCP can best be de­ veloped further by framing the relevant questions to the mat­ erial and following up with concentrated, problem-oriented research. What is primarily needed as soon the Lankan col­ leagues are left on their own (or preferably even before that) is the follow-up of the survey results from previous years; a number of sites, especially in the Kiri Oya basin, remain to be plotted accurately and their extents delineated. In addition to that work, it would be of great interest to have yet another detail survey, like that of Talkote, carried out in the Vavala area. That region yields new sites each time it is revisited, especially iron production sites. This area is now being re-cultivated at a steady pace, so new evidence is being brought to the surface in our time and runs the risk of being destroyed forever. The new generation of Lankan archaeologists and their parent institutions must also make it their responsibility to follow up the SARCP fieldwork by regular revisits to the area. The chena are being shifted every year and previously inacces­ sible areas are thus opened up for surveying. As such, new data that will supplement our studies substantially is likely to occur in years to come. In the future problem-oriented research can be manifold in this area. One such example might be suggested here: the Tammannagala excavation of 1990 yielded datings for the settlement layers which suggest a rather early date for the so-called gamgoda positions of villages, i.e. at one end of a tank bund. With the Talkote Ihalavava at hand, it could be fruitful to use this problem as an opportunity to develop the coring methodology for the dating of irrigation structures, an objective set up for SARCP, but one we never could carry out within the project framework (see above). It is important to find out whether the Tammannagala settlement (which did give up a few microliths) was the genesis of the tank, or whether it was established after the tank had been constructed. Another very important task could be a comparative study of settlement sites, like Tammannagala and Ibbankatuva-Pol- vatta, from the point of view of home economics. It could be fruitful to ask if one given site is ‘wealthier’ than another, i.e. is it reasonable to conclude that its inhabitants, at least partly, held a socially higher position in society than the neighbouring communities? It need not be so, but the veracity of such an assumption can be checked only by a detailed study of the artefact assemblages from the sites, most notably the pottery and especially the serving wares, which have been found to be the best wealth indicators in many other archaeological, his­ torical, ethnographical and sociological contexts (Smith 1987). It could thus be possible to establish a hierarchical grouping of contemporary sites, and one could add to this by intestigating other sites of the region. The quest could be pursued further by taking the proximity of monastic and administrative centres into consideration, co­ mparing sites with megalithic cemeteries with sites without megaliths, checking on the possibilities of craft specialization as the explanation for dissimilarities, and placing these sites and the result of this suggested problem-oriented research in the context of state-formation processes, etc. There are several other loose ends we shall have difficulty in knitting together within the project framework for example, the pollen and macro-fossil research scheduled at the outset. The potential is there, as has been shown by a cursory look at the sediment layers from Peikkulam, where the preservative conditions proved to be very adequate; both pollen and seeds were found in these layers in amounts that were sufficient for has been made in isolating pollen not only from soil, but from bricks, by Premathilake, paleobotanist of the project, so we can discern an existing development in that field also. In addition, the experience gained from research in Sw­ eden and elsewhere, clearly states that ecofacts, such as macro­ fossil and animal bones, when preservation conditions are beneficial, are much better indicators of socio-economic rela­ tions in a given setting than artefacts, as they are much easier to quantify (see for example Mogren in press). Thus the quan­ tification of paleobotanical (as well as paleozoological) data should become a major objective. In the future, resources may be made available to PGLAR or any other institution, to try to map the invisible ancient irrigation landscape of the area by applying the method of near infra-red photography (see Nichols 1988) probably the only method that will provide a reliable picture. It can be done from an aircraft, or a satellite. Owing to restricted space, suggestions for future such re­ search must be sketchy. The proper research layout must (and should!) be drawn up by the Lankan researchers, who will have sole responsibility for this research from July 1994 on­ wards. Research designs for the future must not be restricted to the Sigiriya-Dambulla region. SARCP can be seen as a pilot study on how to design research (its success and achievements for others to assess) and the experiences gained have to be applied at national level. The necessity of carrying out an islandwide iron produc­ tion-site study has been hinted at above. The results from our study area, as well as from the Samanalavava project in Rat- napura district (Juleff 1990) and indications from other parts of the island, seem to suggest that Sri Lanka was one of the major iron producing regions of the ancient world. A study of these remains would be advantageous to the Lankan scientific body, not just for putting the country on the archaeo-metallurgical world map (where it certainly belongs), but also because the material has the potential of making Sri Lanka one of the major research centres in this field, with scope for a cross- scientific group of young scholars to undertake such a study with much profit. This approach at national level could be applied to survey­ ing for settlement sites in general, as well. As consultants to this project - and coming from Sweden, which probably has the most profound survey of archaeological sites in the world (started in the 1930’s and still continuing, it is now on its way to eradicating the last white patches on the archaeological map of Sweden) - we have realized the enormous advantage of such a survey and the register it produced. The register is a data base that has provided material for numerous doctoral dissertations through the years and has pushed forward the research - on settlement archaeology in particular - by great leaps and bounds. Sri Lanka has a much smaller land area than Sweden, so the task should be surmountable. From a personal point of view, I would even suggest that Sri Lanka concentrates on surface archaeology in the short and medium perspective, and leaves the sites untouched for a while. Even though we have not been able to train as many students in exploration techni­ ques as we would have wished, there are a number of good field archaeologists who have worked, or at present are work­ ing in our projects, who could form the core staff of such a survey. As a preliminary step, it would be advisable to estab­ lish a high-quality computer unit, because the data base ob­ tained will certainly be so enormous that old fashioned register systems would be unworkable and inadequate Proposing a language, translation and reprint program As consultants, asked to assist in building national research capabilities in Lankan archaeology, we have strongly felt the need and desire for deeper theoretical knowledge among the students. Most of that knowledge is available in the European languages, notably English, and if it is intended to allow the students to avail themselves of this knowledge, a good under­ standing of the theoretical texts, at least in English, is compul­ sory. It can be argued therefore, that courses in English would add considerably to the building of national research capabilities in Archaeology, as in most other disciplines. Dis­ cussions have been held within PGLAR and a program has been taking shape in collaboration with the Department of English at the University of Kelaniya. Other such programs have been started in Anuradhapura. The levels of language capability have also improved considerably. This effort of making the international texts available does not exclude the importance and necessity of translating some of the most essential works into Sinhala and Tamil. PGIAR, which is establishing editorial capabilities as one of the results of this project, has proved to be quite capable of administering and implementing such a program, the cost of which it should be possible to keep at a very moderate level. A series of three volumes of low-cost booklets has been published by PGIAR to date: 1. Deraniyagala 1991,2. Mogren 1991 and 3. Riederer 1991, (the last in co-operation with the Department of Ar­ chaeology). Such booklets, at a price students can afford, will make a great difference to the present situation. The contribu­ tion of this publishing project is strongly recommended. In a country with such a long record of archaeological and historical research as Sri Lanka, the necessity for making old and often rare works available is bound to arise. Much has already been achieved in this field by Lankan as well as foreign publishing houses. The Archaeological Departm launched a very ambitious reprint program in 1990, but the need for making available some of the older books, especially those texts that are in low demand by the general public, still exists. We feel PGIAR could make a valuable contribution in this field. These suggestions are put forth with awareness of a fund­ ing shortage, but they should be seen as general objectives for which funding must be raised sooner or later. If they are neglected, the ‘internalization’ of research will become very difficult. Building national research capabilities: the changing attitudes One of the major objectives of the project is to develop and ‘internalize’ national research capabilities in Sri Lanka, by training young archaeology students in field techniques (Ba- ndaranayake, Mogren and Epitawatte (eds.) 1990, "Preface": 10). In the first four years of work, considerable achieve­ ments have been made, most notably in establishing the con­ cept of settlement archaeology itself and in providing training in exploration, stratigraphic analysis and ‘reading the cultural landscape’. There is also another aspect of training and building of national research capabilities, which we may call the ‘attitude issue’. It can be argued that training in the field techniques of settlement archaeology would be of no use at all if the people doing the field work proper do not understand the necessity and importance of doing it. Thus we are trying to change the traditional attitude to basic production, menial work and the people who did it, as not being ‘glorious’ or worthy of sc­ holarly attention. One specific but excellent example is the lack of interest by scholars and students of the country in studying iron smelting (even though some attempts had been made prior to our project - see for example, Seneviratne 1987). Smelting was done by caste groups whose ranking came very low in the caste hierarchy - lower even than the blacksmiths, who have been neglected as well - and yet, we would argue, it has been of the utmost importance in creating the ancient Lankan ci­ vilization. With so many prominent smelting sites in the re­ search area, this project has had the opportunity of making a contribution to changing these traditional views and such a change is now clearly under way. Another such contribution has been made already by the ethno-archaeological study of food procurement techniques, carried out as part of the project (see Myrdal 1990 and below). At times, settlement archaeology is not very easy to grasp, even to scholars specializing in it. Hence any student who is new to this kind of research is fully excused for not understanding every aspect of the subject. It is our conviction that settlement archaeology is impossible to teach or learn only in the lecture room. In a project of this kind, however, where the research assistants have to carry out several different tasks and time is scarce, it is compulsory that everyone should know what he or she is doing. We feel, therefore, that a change in attitude is needed. Philip Barker has discussed this matter very eloquently in writing about site discipline: "The best site discipline is the careful balance of that which is self-imposed and that imposed from above; where all the members of the excavation do what they are told or what is required because they understand what they are doing, and the way it fits into the overall development of work rather than through unthinking obedience. It should be made clear to everyone that they are free to ask why they are doing what they are set to do, to question the need for doing it, or the way in which it is done." (Barker 1977:110-111). Barker’s conclusion, which is absolutely correct, is that when people do not understand what they are doing, they do a bad job. This, of course, places a heavy responsibility on the field directors and the consultants involved - and here we touch on another problem: the language constraint which we, as consultants, experience as the greatest constraint of all. Everyone is doing their best, however, and that is a large part of the battle won. A third aspect of the change of attitude is touched upon by Barker, in connection with what has been quoted above: "If paid non-archaeological labourers are used, they too should be given the background and purpose of the excavation if they are to work well and become members of the team." (Barker 1977: 11). In a situation where the paid, non-arch­ aeological labourers are digging in their own village, this aspect is given a new dimension and perspective: for it is their history we are investigating and we have no right to take it away from them. Thus we have an obligation to tell them of our results and try to help them understand why we are doing it. Without that effort we can never hope to have the local people’s support in the preservation of the total cultural he­ ritage of the country, and this is valid anywhere, whether in Sri Lanka or Sweden or elsewhere. In 1990 an exhibition was arranged with this aspect in mind and targeted exclusively at the village public of the area. It dealt with the work done in Talkote and was held in the village school. This must be seen as a tentative effort only, but we sincerely believe that this line of work must be pursued. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My first thought of gratitude goes to the members of the project team as a whole, for their ambitious attitude to ar­ chaeological work, their will and courage to cany out the project as fully as possible, and for their ever-encouraging friendliness. As an individual I have benefited immensely from discussions with the director, as well as the field team, the administrative, editorial and cartographic staff. This of course also includes my fellow consultants, Eva Myrdal and Svante Forenius, who have made decisive contributions to the progress of the project as a whole, as well as shaping substan­ tial sectors of the field program according to their expert knowledge. The special consultants of the iron production program, Gert Magnusson and Dag Noreus, both from the University of Stockholm and Ranjith Dias, of the Mahaweli Authority, have also been of immense value to the project. I wish also to mention Siran Deraniyagala, Pandula En- dagama, Gillian Juleff, C.R. Panabokke, Martha Prickett-Fer­ nando and Sudarshan Seneviratne, who have most kindly shared their knowledge on various subjects with us, for the benefit of the project; and Sirancee Gunawardana who assisted us in various ways, most notably as an interpreter. We are most obliged to them all. On behalf of the entire project I would also like to express our sincerest thanks to the villagers of Talkote, Diyakapilla, Alakolavava, Nagalavava and other villages, for putting up with our presence and intrusion for such a long time. They have been very patient and ever smil­ ing and the friendly relations we established in these villages have been of great value not only to meet the tasks that we set ourselves, but also to our general understanding of Sri Lanka. REFERENCES Bandaranayake, S. 1990. Approaches to the Settlement Ar­ chaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. The Settle­ ment Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. Barker, P. 1977. Techniques of Archaeological Excavation. London: Batsford. Deraniyagala, S.U. 1990. Pre-historic Sri Lanka. Paper pr­ esented at the World Archaeological Congress in Sout­ hampton 1986. Puravidiya Granthamala 1. (in Sinhala translation). Colombo: PGIAR. Juleff, G. 1990. The Samanalawewa Archaeological Survey. Ancient Ceylon. 9\ 75-100. Karunaratne, P.B. Report on an Ecological Survey of Forests and Identification of Faunal Remains from Archaeologi­ cal Sites Around Sigiriya. Unpublished Preliminary Sur­ vey Report. PGIAR Archives. Cat. No. 89/26. Manatunga, A. 1990. The Kiri Oya Valley. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Ban­ daranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Co­ lombo: PGIAR. Manatunga, A. 1990b. The "Maradanmaduva-Tabbova" Cul­ ture terracottas found at Manavava in the vicinity of Ia- maluva. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. Mo- gren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. Manjusri, M. 1990. Dehigaha-ala-kanda (KO14): a prehis­ toric habitation site, a monastic rock-shelter site and an iron production site in the Kiri Oya basin. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Banda­ ranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colom­ bo: PGIAR. Mogren, M. 1990. Project Strategies: Methodologies and Pe­ rspectives. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya- Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. \ Mogren, M. 1991. Settlement Archaeology. (Mogren 1990 in Sinhala translation). Puravidya Granthamala 2. Colom­ bo: PGIAR. Mogren, M. (in print). The Faxeholm project: an archaeologi­ cal attempt to check on the normative sources regarding taxation. Castella Maris baltici 1. Turku. Myrdal, E. 1990. Approaches to the Study of the Traditional Techniques Related to Food-Procurement. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Banda­ ranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colom­ bo: PGIAR. Nandadeva, B.D. 1990. The Ilukvava terracotta figurines. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR.. Nichols, D.L. 1988. Infrared Aerial Photography and Prehis­ toric Irrigation at Teotihuacan: The Tlajinga Canals. Jo­ urnal of Field Archaeology. 15 (1): 17-27. Riederer, J. 1991. Restoration and Preservation: Restaurieren und Bewahren. (Sinhala translation of original published in Munich 1989). Puravidya Granthamala 3. Colombo: PGIAR. Seneviratne, S. 1987. Iron Technology in Sri Lanka: a Prelimi­ nary Study of Resource Use and Production Techniques During the Early Iron Age. The Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities. Vol. XI, No. 1 & 2: 129-178. Seneviratne, S. 1990. The locational significance of early Iron Age sites in intermediary transitional eco-systems: a preliminary survey study of the upper Kala Oya region, North-Central Sri Lanka. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. M- ogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. Smith, M. E. 1987. Household Possessions and Wealth in Agrarian States: Implications for Archaeology. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. 6\ 297-335. Wickremesekara, C. 1990. The Sigiri Oya and Mirisgoni Oya Basins. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sigiriya-Dam­ bulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epi­ tawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR.

Priyantha Karunaratne and Gamini Adikari Deraniyagala, the foremost authority on the prehistory of Sri Lanka, has done most of his excavations in the Wet Zone. By these studies he has shown data that Sri Lanka has had a long mesolithic period (Deraniyagala 1988:248). The present study is the first systematic excavation of a prehistoric site in the Dry Zone. This report presents the work carried out at Aligala during the third field season of the SARCP project. The data collated has extended our knowl­ edge of the prehistoric period of the Dry Zone, which up to now has been very limited. The 5th century rock fortress of Sigiriya, built by Kasyapa, has been an enigma that has con­ stantly drawn the interest of archaeologists and historians. The early Brahmi inscriptions in the rock shelters around the for­ tress show that this area had been a monastic site even in the period 2nd-3rd century BC, that is, seven or eight centuries previous to the Kasyapan era (Paranavitana 1970:67). Sc ^he F earliest date to our knowledge, of settlement in this region, was 2nd-3rd century BC until the joint excavation project carried out by the Cultural Triangle (CCF), Kommissariat fur Allgemeine und Vergleichende Archaologie (KAVA) and the Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology of the University of Kelaniya (PGIAR) at the Pidurangala caves in 1988, brought to light microliths which showed that prehistoric man had made his home in these rock shelters around Sigiriya (Johan­ nas unpubl.). The decision to excavate the Aligala rock shelter for pre­ historic studies is one of the happy accidents of archaeology. This rock shelter was first explored in 1988 (Solangaarachchi 1990:110). The rich collection of slag finds from this first field season led to test excavations of this site in 1989, to determine whether it had been utilized as an iron production site. For this purpose two 2x2m pits were dug. The chert and quartz ge­ ometric microliths, anvils, bone tools, animal bones and mol­ lusc shells that were brought to light were clear evidence of its being a prehistoric site (Solangaarachchi and Bandara un­ publ.). So in the 1990 season the present excavation was set up for in-depth prehistoric studies at this site. Figure 4:1 Aligala rock shelter. Excavation site from north by north-east. Photo: Mats Mogren. Location Aligala is situated among the rock boulders that stand tow­ ards the eastern side of the base of the Sigiriya inselberg. It is conical in shape and rises 15-20m above the surrounding area. In this outcrop stands a rock shelter with floor space of 4x5m. Below the rock the land is strewn with large boulders, which afford a natural barricade against predatory beasts. By this natural protection and the high location, the site lends itself as a place of security. Figure 4:2 Map showing the location of Aligala. Excavation Preliminary to excavation, a grid plan was set. Two baselines were fixed, running NW-SE and NE-SW. Then grid squares lxl m were marked and serially numbered. The total extent of the excavated area, including the 1989 test pits, measures 64m (see site plan, fig. 4:5). Using the Survey Department bench mark located near the northern gate of the Sigiriya complex, a temporary bench mark of 216.51m above sea level was fixed outside the rock shelter. Matrix account The excavation was recorded under 27 contexts (see appen­ dix). Contexts 16, 24, 26, 22 and 27 all yielded prehistoric cultural data. Contexts 24 and 27 gave up remains of partly carbonated animal bones and geometric microliths, etc. This evidence gave an insight into the food, food procurement and technology and provided data to infer what the lifestyle of these humans of mesolithic times would have been. Context 1 is the top layer and context 5 has deposits of the Kasyapan or later periods. All contexts, other than the above mentioned, related to the protohistoric period and early historic period occupation (see appendix). Figure 4:3 Aligala Rock Shelter. Site Plan Finds Ninty per cent of all the finds were stone implements and waste flakes. Other interesting finds were coins, beads, red ochre, graphite, potsherds, faunal remains and floral specimens. There was also a relatively small amount of tile pieces and brickbats. It is of vital importance that all the layers from the prehistoric layer onwards, except context 26, yielded artefacts (see appendix). This points to a continuous or near continuous human occupation of the site from prehistoric times onwards. The artefacts included both stone and bone implements used by the prehistoric occupants of the cave. The microliths included both geometric and ungeometric forms made of chert and quartz. The technology that was applied and the probable uses these artefacts were put to can be fairly accurately in­ ferred by a study of the artefacts. It is very evident that some tool (probably a larger stone) had been used to form these artefacts. Chipping on the microliths also shows signs of re­ touching. The bone implements too, seem to have been fashioned in the same manner. These implements were most likely used tor producing other tools (hammers) for the pro­ curement and preparation of food, scraping and boring, that must have met the needs of the lifestyle of their producers. Many of the geometric microliths are lunates. Their purpose has not yet been determined. It can be surmised that these lunates, since they are small in size, must have been part of a larger instrument. Scrapers of both bone and stone were found, most probably used for cleaning skin, scraping meat and fruit. They must also have been applied to scrape the bark off branches, or to skin yams. Bone and quartz pointed tools were also picked up. The bone points, used as borers were twice or three times the length of the quartz tools. The pitted hammer stones must have been a part of prehistoric man’s ‘tool box’. Of the pitted stones, the hammer is of a 6handleable’ size and weight, but there are many larger pitted stones, weighing over five kilos, which have numerous pitmarks all round their cir­ cumference. Figure 4:4 Aligala. Profile of the baulk as marked in fig. 4:3. It is the first time such pitted stones have been documented from a Dry Zone excavation. The considerable number of quartz and chert blades and leaf-shaped knives would have been used as cutting implements. Some of them show signs of having been re-touched and re-used and still have their razor sharp cutting edges. Shells of five identifiable species of molluscs were found in the excavations (see Adikari: "Approaches" this volume). It is remarkable that all these varieties five in damp environ­ ments. But today typical Dry Zone climatic conditions prevail at Aligala. Only two of the mollusc species (see Adikari: "Approaches" this volume) are still to be found in the area during the wet season. This gives rise to the questions: have the climatic conditions of this region changed vastly during the intervening centuries? Why is it that only two varieties are available in this area? Were the others unable to adapt to the changing conditions? Or, were the now non-available species carried ‘home’ to the cave from the adjoining Matale area, where they abound? These molluscs must have been con­ sumed for food (Deraniyagala 1988:663). A study of the osteological remains identifies 26 kinds of animals, which must have been a part of prehistoric man’s food chain (Karunaratne unpubl.). These include, large animals like the deer (axis axis ceylonensis), wild boar (sus scrofa cris- tatus), the purple-faced leaf monkey (Presbytis Sinex) and the gray langur (Presbytis entulus) which must have been formidable game for a primitively armed man to track. Small prey, like porcupine (hystix indica), the flying fox (terupus, terupus gigan­ tic), blacknecked hare (Lepus nigricolis Sinhala).iguana (var- anus bengalensis) had also been stalked and lolled for food Tins type of small game seems to have been more popular than the big game. Ware, Black Ware, Red Painted Ware and Red Ware were special types of pottery excavated. Contexts nos. 1,2, 8 and 24 yielded Black-and Red-Ware, Black Ware, Red Painted Ware and Red Ware. But it was noted that no single one of their variety was exclusive to a context. Comparatively few Black- and-Red Ware sherds were collected; of them, the greater number were body sherds, with only a very few identifiable as cups and pots by the rim sherds. Pottery from Aligala context 8 and the surface of context 24 is very similar to the pottery finds 191 3, 19L and 5M 2, from the Anuradhapura Gedige excavations (Deraniyagala 1972:70,78). The technology used to produce these wares is neither crude and primitive, nor highly polished. They are fairly hardy pieces, made of sand grit about l-2mm in size. Context 24 is definitely a prehistoric layer. So we can be almost sure that pottery sherds are totally out of place here. These sherds must have come down from the upper contexts. These have been made of a fine sand-clay-mixture, but do not show a good finish. Only contexts 1 and 2 yielded Painted Ware. These were very few in number and all were painted on both sides and disclosed technology of a very high order. Plain Red Ware was common in all the layers that yielded pottery, but those sherds do not show a high level of technology. A mixture of quartz grit averaging 2mm, sand and clay had been used. The pottery finds from the excavations were identified as sherds of cups, trays, bowls, cooking pots (atilt), large water pots, small water pots (kotala), storage vessels and lids. Dec­ orated body sherds were found from contexts 1, 2, 4 and 6. The decorations had been incised in the clay, prior to firing. Not a single sherd showed graffiti marks. A type-and-ware analysis of the sherds showed that the greater number belonged to artefacts of the proto and Early Historic period. A few sherds from the uppermost layers had a close similarity to the types identified as of the Kasyapan era, which were found from the western sector excavations of the Sigiriya complex. 14 C – dating From the presence of Black-and-Red Ware pottery on the surface of the prehistoric layer (context no. 24) it was as­ sumed that the last date for mesolithic settlement would be around the 1st or 2nd millenium BC. This idea was further confirmed by the 14C-dating for two samples from context 24, which gave calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability (using one sigma) at 3516-3270 BC (Ua 5503) from the lower level of the context, and 2362- 2119 BC (Ua 5504) from the upper level of the context. There is a difference of approximately 1000 years. Although these are very recent dates lor a mesolithic site, when compared with Batadombalena, Belilena and other Wet Zone sites so far dated, they are in line with the established view of Lankan prehistory that mesolithic man occupied this region in the 3rd and 2nd millenium BC. The protohistoric layer, context 8, which had Black-and- Red Ware pottery, is dated 998-848 BC (Ua 5502). Consider­ ing the megalithic tradition in protohistoric settlements dated in India, this is a reasonable date for this type of habitation. But it must be noted that for Sri Lanka, it is one of the earliest dates so far for a megalithic culture. As a source-critical remark it must be stated that the age of the wood before burning is unknown and that not too much reliability can be attatched to a single sample. The result can stand as a point of departure for further discussion and research. Figure 4:5 Aligala. Radiocarbon dates. Calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability, one sigma (68.26%). Calib ETH 1.5b (1991). Conclusions Several phases of habitation were revealed through the 27 contexts at the site (see appendix). On reading the strata from the earliest to the topmost level, two prehistoric settlement phases, a protohistoric phase and an Early Historic habitation can be identified, but it is a matter of great archaeological interest that, although Aligala stands well within the Sigiriya Citadel and these phases of settlement can be traced, there were only a few sherds that belonged to the historical Kas­ yapan era (contexts 1, 2 and 5, see appendix). It is further intriguing that these contexts belonged to the Early Historic period. So it is possible that they had filtered in as a result of activities during the Kasyapan era, or washed down from the rock. Context 27 is the earliest prehistoric layer and context 24 is the second prehistoric phase. Between these is a phase (context 26) which must have been a period of abandonment. The few cultural remains found would have belonged to con­ text 27 and have moved to the upper layer, and some from context 24 may have settled on the top of context 26. This is the only possible interpretation of their presence in context 26. An analysis of the microliths from context 24 and 27 shows that they belonged to prehistoric mesolithic men who occupied this site, abandoned it for some reason, and re-oc­ cupied it again. A view of the lifestyle of these earliest settlers came into sight through the geometric microliths, bone tools and anvils they created, the faunal and floral remains of their ‘tables\ the red ochre they used to gratify their vanity, or as part of their ritualistic ceremonials, probably to find protection from the predatory animals and the inexplicable phenomena of nature; and fertility for the herds of game they hunted. Figure 4:6 Aligala. Context matrix. REFERENCES Deraniyagala, S.U. 1972. The Citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavations in the Gedige Area. Ancient Ceylon. 2:48- 164. Deraniyagala, S.U. 1988. The Pre-history of Sri Lanka: An Ecological Perspective. Ph. D. dissertation Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Johannas, M. The Lithic Assemblage from Pidurangala. Un­ published Survey Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No 93/6. Karunaratne, P.B. Report on an Ecological Survey of Forests and Identification of Faunal Remains from Archaeologi­ cal Sites Around Sigiriya. Unpublished Preliminary Sur­ vey Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No.89/26. Paranavitana, S. 1970. Inscriptions of Ceylon 1. Colombo. Department of Archaeology. Solangaarachchi, R and T. Bandara. Aligala site. Unpub­ lished Preliminary Excavation Report. PGIAR Archives. Cat. No. 1989/1-10. Solangaarachchi, R. 1990. Preliminary Explorations in the Eastern Precinct. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sig- iriya-Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. Appendix:The Matrix Description Context No. 1 This is a humus layer. It is approximately 10cm thick and lies over the whole excavation site. Prehistoric implements such as chert and quartz, and historical remains such as iron slags and potsherds, have been found in this layer. This has oc­ curred as a result of attack by termites and the material that was deposited in the highland being washed downhill and re-deposited. The ground slopes towards the north. Context No. 2 This layer is deposited above context 24 and below context 1 and extends beyond the cave. Potsherds and iron slags are extensively found in this layer. Mollusca shells, chert, quartz flakes, tools, bone remains and small iron flakes were found in abundance as notable cultural finds. Black-and-Red Ware and Red Ware potsherds were also found in this layer. Towards the wall of the cave this layer has been extensively attacked by termites. As a result this layer is somewhat disturbed. Never­ theless the finding of Black-and-Red Ware from the layer directly opposite the prehistoric layer (context 24) is impor­ tant. Context No. 3 This is deposited below contexts 8 and 23 and above con­ text 24 and 25. Here the layer is an admixture of small pieces of iron slag, potsherds (Black-and-Red Ware, Red Ware) mol­ lusca shells, quartz, chert and remains of bones. It seems that the pit which was called context 6 had been dug and heaped up, thus being subjected to re-deposition as context 3. Texture: Sand 20 % ; Clay 60 % ; Silt 20%. The layer slopes towards the west, south and east. Context No. 4 This context is deposited below context 5 and 2 and above context 9 and 14. It slopes towards the north. Fragments of brick and potsherds were found. It appears to have been dep­ osited by flowing water. The context is limited to the northern section, outside the cave. It has very high compaction. Tex­ ture: Sand 40 %; Clay 50 %; Silt 10%. Context No. 5 This is deposited below context 1 and above context 2. The layer extends only towards the northern sector of the excava­ tion site. Within the cave, context 5 has not been deposited. Cultural remains are few in number and the ground slopes towards the north. It appears to have been formed by material brought by flowing water. Texture: Clay 40 % ; Sand 40 % ; Silt 20 %. Context No. 6 This is deposited below context 1 and above context 24. Context 6 had been located in a pit dug prior to the deposition of context 2. In this layer the percentage of potsherds and iron slags was higher than that of the earth. Therefore it seems that this pit had been filled with potsherds and iron slags. Half of this pit, which belongs to context 6, had been excavated in the 1989 field season which extended into the squares (11/44), (11/49). Texture: Sand 60 % ; Mud 30 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 7 This is deposited below context 1 and above context 12. This layer appears to be contemporaneous with context 2. The reason that led to its being assigned a context number is the formation of a layer with the thickness of about 10cm, with deposits of small iron slags. This extends between square (11/50) and (10/50). Potsherds were found at random. This layer slopes towards the north. Context No. 8 This is deposited above contexts 15 and 3 and below con­ texts 2,12 and 10. The distribution of the layer extends beyond the limit of the cave. At the same time it is limited to the southern quarter of the excavation site. A considerable amount of fragments of burnt clay and potsherds was recovered from this layer. Black-and-Red Ware pot sherds were also recovered. It is clearly seen that this is an undisturbed layer, belonging to the Early Historic or Protohistoric period. The recovery of fragments of burnt clay, at random, is a special feature of this layer. It is possible that these may be the remains of some disintegrated construction (hearth or kiln). Context No. 9 This is deposited below context 8 and overlying context 16. Potsherds and stone tools were recovered from this layer. It slopes towards the north and is deposited by the flow of run­ ning water. Texture: Sand 50 % ; Clay 40 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 10 This is deposited below context 4 and above context 9. It slopes towards the north. A few potsherds and quartz flakes were found. This may be an artificial layer formed with earth filled at a later date. Texture: Clay 50 % ; Sand 40 %, Silt 10 %. Context No. 11 This is deposited below context 4 and above context 17. It slopes towards the north. In a small area of the excavation site some evidence of cultural activites was available. A few pot­ sherds and a few quartz flakes have been recovered from this layer. This is a layer formed of earth deposited by running water. Texture: Clay 50 % ; Sand 40 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 12 This is deposited below context 7 and above context 8. This is a layer prominently mixed with sand and contains very little cultural residue. The percentage of sand is very high. It appears to have been deposited with sand and swept away by running water. It must be noted that this layer slopes towards the west. Context No. 13 This is deposited below context 4 and above context 19. When its composition and cultural importance is taken into account, it is similar to context 8. But context 13 occurs only in an area of about 3xlm to the north of the excavation site, close to the wall of the cave. This layer slopes towards the north. Potsherds, fragments of burnt clay and quartz flakes are found. This has been deposited by the flow of running water. Context No. 14 This is deposited below context 4 and above context 19. This is a layer with high compaction. It has little evidence of cultural activities. A part of a small (Black-and-Red Ware) clay vessel was discovered. The distribution of this layer com­ mences at the point where the northern wall and the eastern wall connect, at the corner of the excavation site. It slopes towards the south. This is formed of earth carried by flowing water. Texture: Clay 30 % ; Sand 50 % ; Silt 20 %. Context No. 15 This is deposited above context 18 and below context 8. In composition, colour and compaction, it is similar to context 8. Minute iron slags, excessively decayed potsherds, red spots that could be the debris of burnt clay, were scattered all over the layer. A noteworthy factor regarding this layer is the pre­ sence of ‘Black-and-Red Ware’ potsherds in large numbers. Texture: Clay 60 % ; Sand 30 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 16 This is deposited below contexts 17 and 9 and above con­ text 19. This layer is spread in a small area outside the cave It is a prehistoric layer. Hie notable difference in this layer is that there were no faunal remains, as in the other prehistoric layers. Chips of quartz and core samples are found here. Stone tools had been produced at this location during of deposition of this context. Texture: Sand 50 % ; Clay 40 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 17 This is deposited below context 11 and above context 10. The evidence of cultural activities is scarce. However, several quartz flakes and a few tools were in evidence. This layer does not extend as far as the back limit of the excavation; it does not show in the profile. It slopes gently towards the north and it has less compaction than context 11. It is a natural deposit. Texture: Clay 40 % ; Sand 40 % ; Silt 20 %. Context No. 18 This is deposited below context 15 and above context 21. As regards the composition, it is similar to context 8 and 15. The cultural evidence found here is similar to that in context 15. Badly eroded unidentifiable potsherds were also found. Red spots, which appear to be burnt clay objects which have disintegrated, were seen all over the layer. Apart from this, quartz and chert and stone tools were found in this layer. Texture: Sand 50 % ; Clay 40 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 19 This is located above context 20 and below the contexts 14, 16, 17, 27 and 21. Context 19 consists of a layer of weathered granite which lies over context 20. This layer of sherds of granite has fallen from the front of the rock shelter and disin­ tegrated after decay. Prehistoric human settlements had sprung up on this layer of granite. Even after the removal of context 27, inside the cave as well as around it, a large number ol these sherds were still scattered. Sherds of diverse sizes, used as implements and splinters and cast away as waste, were found in abundance. • Context No. 20 A reddish brown gravel layer. The depth after excavation was not sufficient to ascertain the thickness of the layer. Nev­ ertheless the depth of the gravel layer in the experimental pit, excavated in 1989, was about 80cm. At the moment the ex­ cavations have been suspended. This is a layer without any sign of human settlement. This layer appears to be virgin soil. It stops towards the north. Texture: Gravel 50 %, Sand 20 % and Clay 30%. Context No. 21 This is a fairly large layer made up of big grains of sand with hard earth. Il is located below context 25 and overlaying context 24. This has been deposited by water. Prehistoric im­ plements such as pitted hammer stones, red ochre, quartz flakes and micro tools were found in this layer. However, in comparison with the prehistoric contexts 24 and 27, archa­ eological finds such as snail shells and other remains are not found in this layer, which has been deposited by water and slopes towards the south. Texture: Sand 50 % ; Clay 40 % ; Silt 10 % . Context No. 22 This context is part of context 27. See description below. Context No. 23 This is deposited above contexts 24,3 and below context 1. According to the colour, it is similar to the layer belonging to the prehistoric period. But in composition and compaction it differs from the prehistoric layer. There were potsherds and fragments of brick to be found here, as well as mollusca shell remains which were also mixed in it. A piece of a flat glass bead and a few stones were also found in this layer. The layer is about 30cm thick, slopes towards the north and is formed by the flow of running water and human activity. Context No. 24 This context is located below contexts 3, 2, 8, 21,18,15, 6 and 25 and above contexts 26 and 27. This context stands within the cave and can be described as a low mound, highest at the centre and sloping gradually outwards to the circum­ ference. Compared to the other layers, this displays exclusive micro-physical features. To interpret the reason why context 24 slopes from the interior to the exterior of the cave is compli­ cated. Very often sloping of this type is likely to occur as a result of water flowing through the roof of the cave, and in the process leaving deposits of gradual erosion. If this were not the reason, it may have been due to the activities of prehistoric man. This layer possesses features not found in other layers. It contains hundreds of mollusc remains, which is a notable fea­ ture. Apart from these, the faunal remains of animals, from small to such as wild boar (sus scrofa cristatus) which had been hunted by prehistoric humans, were found in abundance in this layer. Sharpened bone tools and tools made of quartz and chert, which take various shapes, along with those in geometrical designs, were found in this layer. And also L pitted hammer stones’ and red ochre used for colouring, were found here. Notable too, is the presence of Black-and-Red Ware potsherds lying on the surface. This could be an Early Iron age culture that settled in this cave immediately after prehistoric men abandoned it. Texture: Clay 60 % ; Sand 20 % ; Silt 10 % . Context No. 25 This is deposited above context 24 and below contexts 1,2, and 3. The layer slopes towards the south. According to the manner of sloping, it seems to have drifted with the flow of water, resulting in deposition. Pieces of decorated terracotta were found scattered all over the layer. These have been col­ lected as samples. This layer has yielded a few terracotta beads, stuck together. They are similar to beads recovered from excavations carried out at the citadel in Anuradhapura. Similar beads had been recovered from the megalithic burials of Ibbankatuva. Texture: Clay 60 % ; Sand 30 % ; Silt 10% Context No. 26 This is a thin deposit located under context 24 and above context 27. This layer slopes from the middle of the cave towards the front (the east) and extends forward. Here, cultural remains are rare. Apart from a few lithic debris, no other cultural remains were found. These splinters may have em­ erged from context 27, or those which had fallen from context 24 This layer, which lies between context 27 and 24, reveals that the cave had been abandoned for some time (it is devoid of human habitation). This layer has been deposited by water, wind or dust. Texture: Sand 65 % ; Clay 25 %; Silt 10 % . Context No. 27 This is located under the contexts 26 and 24 and above context 19. This layer has been deposited as a result of prehis­ toric human activities. This layer is harder than context 24, but in respect of cultural remains, it is similar. From this layer a number of ‘pitted hammer stones’ were recovered. Apart from these, and for the first time in the Dry Zone, two anvils were recovered from this layer. Tools made of bone remains, chert and quartz were found in large numbers. While the layer slopes towards east, west and south, the highest layer reached lies in the centre of the cave. Texture: Clay 40 % ; Gravel 20 % ; Sand 20 % ; Silt 20 % .

Priyantha Karunaratne and Gamini Adikari Deraniyagala, the foremost authority on the prehistory of Sri Lanka, has done most of his excavations in the Wet Zone. By these studies he has shown data that Sri Lanka has had a long mesolithic period (Deraniyagala 1988:248). The present study is the first systematic excavation of a prehistoric site in the Dry Zone. This report presents the work carried out at Aligala during the third field season of the SARCP project. The data collated has extended our knowl­ edge of the prehistoric period of the Dry Zone, which up to now has been very limited. The 5th century rock fortress of Sigiriya, built by Kasyapa, has been an enigma that has con­ stantly drawn the interest of archaeologists and historians. The early Brahmi inscriptions in the rock shelters around the for­ tress show that this area had been a monastic site even in the period 2nd-3rd century BC, that is, seven or eight centuries previous to the Kasyapan era (Paranavitana 1970:67). Sc ^he F earliest date to our knowledge, of settlement in this region, was 2nd-3rd century BC until the joint excavation project carried out by the Cultural Triangle (CCF), Kommissariat fur Allgemeine und Vergleichende Archaologie (KAVA) and the Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology of the University of Kelaniya (PGIAR) at the Pidurangala caves in 1988, brought to light microliths which showed that prehistoric man had made his home in these rock shelters around Sigiriya (Johan­ nas unpubl.). The decision to excavate the Aligala rock shelter for pre­ historic studies is one of the happy accidents of archaeology. This rock shelter was first explored in 1988 (Solangaarachchi 1990:110). The rich collection of slag finds from this first field season led to test excavations of this site in 1989, to determine whether it had been utilized as an iron production site. For this purpose two 2x2m pits were dug. The chert and quartz ge­ ometric microliths, anvils, bone tools, animal bones and mol­ lusc shells that were brought to light were clear evidence of its being a prehistoric site (Solangaarachchi and Bandara un­ publ.). So in the 1990 season the present excavation was set up for in-depth prehistoric studies at this site. Figure 4:1 Aligala rock shelter. Excavation site from north by north-east. Photo: Mats Mogren. Location Aligala is situated among the rock boulders that stand tow­ ards the eastern side of the base of the Sigiriya inselberg. It is conical in shape and rises 15-20m above the surrounding area. In this outcrop stands a rock shelter with floor space of 4x5m. Below the rock the land is strewn with large boulders, which afford a natural barricade against predatory beasts. By this natural protection and the high location, the site lends itself as a place of security. Figure 4:2 Map showing the location of Aligala. Excavation Preliminary to excavation, a grid plan was set. Two baselines were fixed, running NW-SE and NE-SW. Then grid squares lxl m were marked and serially numbered. The total extent of the excavated area, including the 1989 test pits, measures 64m (see site plan, fig. 4:5). Using the Survey Department bench mark located near the northern gate of the Sigiriya complex, a temporary bench mark of 216.51m above sea level was fixed outside the rock shelter. Matrix account The excavation was recorded under 27 contexts (see appen­ dix). Contexts 16, 24, 26, 22 and 27 all yielded prehistoric cultural data. Contexts 24 and 27 gave up remains of partly carbonated animal bones and geometric microliths, etc. This evidence gave an insight into the food, food procurement and technology and provided data to infer what the lifestyle of these humans of mesolithic times would have been. Context 1 is the top layer and context 5 has deposits of the Kasyapan or later periods. All contexts, other than the above mentioned, related to the protohistoric period and early historic period occupation (see appendix). Figure 4:3 Aligala Rock Shelter. Site Plan Finds Ninty per cent of all the finds were stone implements and waste flakes. Other interesting finds were coins, beads, red ochre, graphite, potsherds, faunal remains and floral specimens. There was also a relatively small amount of tile pieces and brickbats. It is of vital importance that all the layers from the prehistoric layer onwards, except context 26, yielded artefacts (see appendix). This points to a continuous or near continuous human occupation of the site from prehistoric times onwards. The artefacts included both stone and bone implements used by the prehistoric occupants of the cave. The microliths included both geometric and ungeometric forms made of chert and quartz. The technology that was applied and the probable uses these artefacts were put to can be fairly accurately in­ ferred by a study of the artefacts. It is very evident that some tool (probably a larger stone) had been used to form these artefacts. Chipping on the microliths also shows signs of re­ touching. The bone implements too, seem to have been fashioned in the same manner. These implements were most likely used tor producing other tools (hammers) for the pro­ curement and preparation of food, scraping and boring, that must have met the needs of the lifestyle of their producers. Many of the geometric microliths are lunates. Their purpose has not yet been determined. It can be surmised that these lunates, since they are small in size, must have been part of a larger instrument. Scrapers of both bone and stone were found, most probably used for cleaning skin, scraping meat and fruit. They must also have been applied to scrape the bark off branches, or to skin yams. Bone and quartz pointed tools were also picked up. The bone points, used as borers were twice or three times the length of the quartz tools. The pitted hammer stones must have been a part of prehistoric man’s ‘tool box’. Of the pitted stones, the hammer is of a 6handleable’ size and weight, but there are many larger pitted stones, weighing over five kilos, which have numerous pitmarks all round their cir­ cumference. Figure 4:4 Aligala. Profile of the baulk as marked in fig. 4:3. It is the first time such pitted stones have been documented from a Dry Zone excavation. The considerable number of quartz and chert blades and leaf-shaped knives would have been used as cutting implements. Some of them show signs of having been re-touched and re-used and still have their razor sharp cutting edges. Shells of five identifiable species of molluscs were found in the excavations (see Adikari: "Approaches" this volume). It is remarkable that all these varieties five in damp environ­ ments. But today typical Dry Zone climatic conditions prevail at Aligala. Only two of the mollusc species (see Adikari: "Approaches" this volume) are still to be found in the area during the wet season. This gives rise to the questions: have the climatic conditions of this region changed vastly during the intervening centuries? Why is it that only two varieties are available in this area? Were the others unable to adapt to the changing conditions? Or, were the now non-available species carried ‘home’ to the cave from the adjoining Matale area, where they abound? These molluscs must have been con­ sumed for food (Deraniyagala 1988:663). A study of the osteological remains identifies 26 kinds of animals, which must have been a part of prehistoric man’s food chain (Karunaratne unpubl.). These include, large animals like the deer (axis axis ceylonensis), wild boar (sus scrofa cris- tatus), the purple-faced leaf monkey (Presbytis Sinex) and the gray langur (Presbytis entulus) which must have been formidable game for a primitively armed man to track. Small prey, like porcupine (hystix indica), the flying fox (terupus, terupus gigan­ tic), blacknecked hare (Lepus nigricolis Sinhala).iguana (var- anus bengalensis) had also been stalked and lolled for food Tins type of small game seems to have been more popular than the big game. Ware, Black Ware, Red Painted Ware and Red Ware were special types of pottery excavated. Contexts nos. 1,2, 8 and 24 yielded Black-and Red-Ware, Black Ware, Red Painted Ware and Red Ware. But it was noted that no single one of their variety was exclusive to a context. Comparatively few Black- and-Red Ware sherds were collected; of them, the greater number were body sherds, with only a very few identifiable as cups and pots by the rim sherds. Pottery from Aligala context 8 and the surface of context 24 is very similar to the pottery finds 191 3, 19L and 5M 2, from the Anuradhapura Gedige excavations (Deraniyagala 1972:70,78). The technology used to produce these wares is neither crude and primitive, nor highly polished. They are fairly hardy pieces, made of sand grit about l-2mm in size. Context 24 is definitely a prehistoric layer. So we can be almost sure that pottery sherds are totally out of place here. These sherds must have come down from the upper contexts. These have been made of a fine sand-clay-mixture, but do not show a good finish. Only contexts 1 and 2 yielded Painted Ware. These were very few in number and all were painted on both sides and disclosed technology of a very high order. Plain Red Ware was common in all the layers that yielded pottery, but those sherds do not show a high level of technology. A mixture of quartz grit averaging 2mm, sand and clay had been used. The pottery finds from the excavations were identified as sherds of cups, trays, bowls, cooking pots (atilt), large water pots, small water pots (kotala), storage vessels and lids. Dec­ orated body sherds were found from contexts 1, 2, 4 and 6. The decorations had been incised in the clay, prior to firing. Not a single sherd showed graffiti marks. A type-and-ware analysis of the sherds showed that the greater number belonged to artefacts of the proto and Early Historic period. A few sherds from the uppermost layers had a close similarity to the types identified as of the Kasyapan era, which were found from the western sector excavations of the Sigiriya complex. 14 C – dating From the presence of Black-and-Red Ware pottery on the surface of the prehistoric layer (context no. 24) it was as­ sumed that the last date for mesolithic settlement would be around the 1st or 2nd millenium BC. This idea was further confirmed by the 14C-dating for two samples from context 24, which gave calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability (using one sigma) at 3516-3270 BC (Ua 5503) from the lower level of the context, and 2362- 2119 BC (Ua 5504) from the upper level of the context. There is a difference of approximately 1000 years. Although these are very recent dates lor a mesolithic site, when compared with Batadombalena, Belilena and other Wet Zone sites so far dated, they are in line with the established view of Lankan prehistory that mesolithic man occupied this region in the 3rd and 2nd millenium BC. The protohistoric layer, context 8, which had Black-and- Red Ware pottery, is dated 998-848 BC (Ua 5502). Consider­ ing the megalithic tradition in protohistoric settlements dated in India, this is a reasonable date for this type of habitation. But it must be noted that for Sri Lanka, it is one of the earliest dates so far for a megalithic culture. As a source-critical remark it must be stated that the age of the wood before burning is unknown and that not too much reliability can be attatched to a single sample. The result can stand as a point of departure for further discussion and research. Figure 4:5 Aligala. Radiocarbon dates. Calibrated age ranges from cumulative probability, one sigma (68.26%). Calib ETH 1.5b (1991). Conclusions Several phases of habitation were revealed through the 27 contexts at the site (see appendix). On reading the strata from the earliest to the topmost level, two prehistoric settlement phases, a protohistoric phase and an Early Historic habitation can be identified, but it is a matter of great archaeological interest that, although Aligala stands well within the Sigiriya Citadel and these phases of settlement can be traced, there were only a few sherds that belonged to the historical Kas­ yapan era (contexts 1, 2 and 5, see appendix). It is further intriguing that these contexts belonged to the Early Historic period. So it is possible that they had filtered in as a result of activities during the Kasyapan era, or washed down from the rock. Context 27 is the earliest prehistoric layer and context 24 is the second prehistoric phase. Between these is a phase (context 26) which must have been a period of abandonment. The few cultural remains found would have belonged to con­ text 27 and have moved to the upper layer, and some from context 24 may have settled on the top of context 26. This is the only possible interpretation of their presence in context 26. An analysis of the microliths from context 24 and 27 shows that they belonged to prehistoric mesolithic men who occupied this site, abandoned it for some reason, and re-oc­ cupied it again. A view of the lifestyle of these earliest settlers came into sight through the geometric microliths, bone tools and anvils they created, the faunal and floral remains of their ‘tables\ the red ochre they used to gratify their vanity, or as part of their ritualistic ceremonials, probably to find protection from the predatory animals and the inexplicable phenomena of nature; and fertility for the herds of game they hunted. Figure 4:6 Aligala. Context matrix. REFERENCES Deraniyagala, S.U. 1972. The Citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavations in the Gedige Area. Ancient Ceylon. 2:48- 164. Deraniyagala, S.U. 1988. The Pre-history of Sri Lanka: An Ecological Perspective. Ph. D. dissertation Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Johannas, M. The Lithic Assemblage from Pidurangala. Un­ published Survey Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No 93/6. Karunaratne, P.B. Report on an Ecological Survey of Forests and Identification of Faunal Remains from Archaeologi­ cal Sites Around Sigiriya. Unpublished Preliminary Sur­ vey Report. PGIAR Archive. Cat. No.89/26. Paranavitana, S. 1970. Inscriptions of Ceylon 1. Colombo. Department of Archaeology. Solangaarachchi, R and T. Bandara. Aligala site. Unpub­ lished Preliminary Excavation Report. PGIAR Archives. Cat. No. 1989/1-10. Solangaarachchi, R. 1990. Preliminary Explorations in the Eastern Precinct. The Settlement Archaeology of the Sig- iriya-Dambulla Region. Bandaranayake S., M. Mogren and S. Epitawatte (eds.). Colombo: PGIAR. Appendix:The Matrix Description Context No. 1 This is a humus layer. It is approximately 10cm thick and lies over the whole excavation site. Prehistoric implements such as chert and quartz, and historical remains such as iron slags and potsherds, have been found in this layer. This has oc­ curred as a result of attack by termites and the material that was deposited in the highland being washed downhill and re-deposited. The ground slopes towards the north. Context No. 2 This layer is deposited above context 24 and below context 1 and extends beyond the cave. Potsherds and iron slags are extensively found in this layer. Mollusca shells, chert, quartz flakes, tools, bone remains and small iron flakes were found in abundance as notable cultural finds. Black-and-Red Ware and Red Ware potsherds were also found in this layer. Towards the wall of the cave this layer has been extensively attacked by termites. As a result this layer is somewhat disturbed. Never­ theless the finding of Black-and-Red Ware from the layer directly opposite the prehistoric layer (context 24) is impor­ tant. Context No. 3 This is deposited below contexts 8 and 23 and above con­ text 24 and 25. Here the layer is an admixture of small pieces of iron slag, potsherds (Black-and-Red Ware, Red Ware) mol­ lusca shells, quartz, chert and remains of bones. It seems that the pit which was called context 6 had been dug and heaped up, thus being subjected to re-deposition as context 3. Texture: Sand 20 % ; Clay 60 % ; Silt 20%. The layer slopes towards the west, south and east. Context No. 4 This context is deposited below context 5 and 2 and above context 9 and 14. It slopes towards the north. Fragments of brick and potsherds were found. It appears to have been dep­ osited by flowing water. The context is limited to the northern section, outside the cave. It has very high compaction. Tex­ ture: Sand 40 %; Clay 50 %; Silt 10%. Context No. 5 This is deposited below context 1 and above context 2. The layer extends only towards the northern sector of the excava­ tion site. Within the cave, context 5 has not been deposited. Cultural remains are few in number and the ground slopes towards the north. It appears to have been formed by material brought by flowing water. Texture: Clay 40 % ; Sand 40 % ; Silt 20 %. Context No. 6 This is deposited below context 1 and above context 24. Context 6 had been located in a pit dug prior to the deposition of context 2. In this layer the percentage of potsherds and iron slags was higher than that of the earth. Therefore it seems that this pit had been filled with potsherds and iron slags. Half of this pit, which belongs to context 6, had been excavated in the 1989 field season which extended into the squares (11/44), (11/49). Texture: Sand 60 % ; Mud 30 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 7 This is deposited below context 1 and above context 12. This layer appears to be contemporaneous with context 2. The reason that led to its being assigned a context number is the formation of a layer with the thickness of about 10cm, with deposits of small iron slags. This extends between square (11/50) and (10/50). Potsherds were found at random. This layer slopes towards the north. Context No. 8 This is deposited above contexts 15 and 3 and below con­ texts 2,12 and 10. The distribution of the layer extends beyond the limit of the cave. At the same time it is limited to the southern quarter of the excavation site. A considerable amount of fragments of burnt clay and potsherds was recovered from this layer. Black-and-Red Ware pot sherds were also recovered. It is clearly seen that this is an undisturbed layer, belonging to the Early Historic or Protohistoric period. The recovery of fragments of burnt clay, at random, is a special feature of this layer. It is possible that these may be the remains of some disintegrated construction (hearth or kiln). Context No. 9 This is deposited below context 8 and overlying context 16. Potsherds and stone tools were recovered from this layer. It slopes towards the north and is deposited by the flow of run­ ning water. Texture: Sand 50 % ; Clay 40 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 10 This is deposited below context 4 and above context 9. It slopes towards the north. A few potsherds and quartz flakes were found. This may be an artificial layer formed with earth filled at a later date. Texture: Clay 50 % ; Sand 40 %, Silt 10 %. Context No. 11 This is deposited below context 4 and above context 17. It slopes towards the north. In a small area of the excavation site some evidence of cultural activites was available. A few pot­ sherds and a few quartz flakes have been recovered from this layer. This is a layer formed of earth deposited by running water. Texture: Clay 50 % ; Sand 40 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 12 This is deposited below context 7 and above context 8. This is a layer prominently mixed with sand and contains very little cultural residue. The percentage of sand is very high. It appears to have been deposited with sand and swept away by running water. It must be noted that this layer slopes towards the west. Context No. 13 This is deposited below context 4 and above context 19. When its composition and cultural importance is taken into account, it is similar to context 8. But context 13 occurs only in an area of about 3xlm to the north of the excavation site, close to the wall of the cave. This layer slopes towards the north. Potsherds, fragments of burnt clay and quartz flakes are found. This has been deposited by the flow of running water. Context No. 14 This is deposited below context 4 and above context 19. This is a layer with high compaction. It has little evidence of cultural activities. A part of a small (Black-and-Red Ware) clay vessel was discovered. The distribution of this layer com­ mences at the point where the northern wall and the eastern wall connect, at the corner of the excavation site. It slopes towards the south. This is formed of earth carried by flowing water. Texture: Clay 30 % ; Sand 50 % ; Silt 20 %. Context No. 15 This is deposited above context 18 and below context 8. In composition, colour and compaction, it is similar to context 8. Minute iron slags, excessively decayed potsherds, red spots that could be the debris of burnt clay, were scattered all over the layer. A noteworthy factor regarding this layer is the pre­ sence of ‘Black-and-Red Ware’ potsherds in large numbers. Texture: Clay 60 % ; Sand 30 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 16 This is deposited below contexts 17 and 9 and above con­ text 19. This layer is spread in a small area outside the cave It is a prehistoric layer. Hie notable difference in this layer is that there were no faunal remains, as in the other prehistoric layers. Chips of quartz and core samples are found here. Stone tools had been produced at this location during of deposition of this context. Texture: Sand 50 % ; Clay 40 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 17 This is deposited below context 11 and above context 10. The evidence of cultural activities is scarce. However, several quartz flakes and a few tools were in evidence. This layer does not extend as far as the back limit of the excavation; it does not show in the profile. It slopes gently towards the north and it has less compaction than context 11. It is a natural deposit. Texture: Clay 40 % ; Sand 40 % ; Silt 20 %. Context No. 18 This is deposited below context 15 and above context 21. As regards the composition, it is similar to context 8 and 15. The cultural evidence found here is similar to that in context 15. Badly eroded unidentifiable potsherds were also found. Red spots, which appear to be burnt clay objects which have disintegrated, were seen all over the layer. Apart from this, quartz and chert and stone tools were found in this layer. Texture: Sand 50 % ; Clay 40 % ; Silt 10 %. Context No. 19 This is located above context 20 and below the contexts 14, 16, 17, 27 and 21. Context 19 consists of a layer of weathered granite which lies over context 20. This layer of sherds of granite has fallen from the front of the rock shelter and disin­ tegrated after decay. Prehistoric human settlements had sprung up on this layer of granite. Even after the removal of context 27, inside the cave as well as around it, a large number ol these sherds were still scattered. Sherds of diverse sizes, used as implements and splinters and cast away as waste, were found in abundance. • Context No. 20 A reddish brown gravel layer. The depth after excavation was not sufficient to ascertain the thickness of the layer. Nev­ ertheless the depth of the gravel layer in the experimental pit, excavated in 1989, was about 80cm. At the moment the ex­ cavations have been suspended. This is a layer without any sign of human settlement. This layer appears to be virgin soil. It stops towards the north. Texture: Gravel 50 %, Sand 20 % and Clay 30%. Context No. 21 This is a fairly large layer made up of big grains of sand with hard earth. Il is located below context 25 and overlaying context 24. This has been deposited by water. Prehistoric im­ plements such as pitted hammer stones, red ochre, quartz flakes and micro tools were found in this layer. However, in comparison with the prehistoric contexts 24 and 27, archa­ eological finds such as snail shells and other remains are not found in this layer, which has been deposited by water and slopes towards the south. Texture: Sand 50 % ; Clay 40 % ; Silt 10 % . Context No. 22 This context is part of context 27. See description below. Context No. 23 This is deposited above contexts 24,3 and below context 1. According to the colour, it is similar to the layer belonging to the prehistoric period. But in composition and compaction it differs from the prehistoric layer. There were potsherds and fragments of brick to be found here, as well as mollusca shell remains which were also mixed in it. A piece of a flat glass bead and a few stones were also found in this layer. The layer is about 30cm thick, slopes towards the north and is formed by the flow of running water and human activity. Context No. 24 This context is located below contexts 3, 2, 8, 21,18,15, 6 and 25 and above contexts 26 and 27. This context stands within the cave and can be described as a low mound, highest at the centre and sloping gradually outwards to the circum­ ference. Compared to the other layers, this displays exclusive micro-physical features. To interpret the reason why context 24 slopes from the interior to the exterior of the cave is compli­ cated. Very often sloping of this type is likely to occur as a result of water flowing through the roof of the cave, and in the process leaving deposits of gradual erosion. If this were not the reason, it may have been due to the activities of prehistoric man. This layer possesses features not found in other layers. It contains hundreds of mollusc remains, which is a notable fea­ ture. Apart from these, the faunal remains of animals, from small to such as wild boar (sus scrofa cristatus) which had been hunted by prehistoric humans, were found in abundance in this layer. Sharpened bone tools and tools made of quartz and chert, which take various shapes, along with those in geometrical designs, were found in this layer. And also L pitted hammer stones’ and red ochre used for colouring, were found here. Notable too, is the presence of Black-and-Red Ware potsherds lying on the surface. This could be an Early Iron age culture that settled in this cave immediately after prehistoric men abandoned it. Texture: Clay 60 % ; Sand 20 % ; Silt 10 % . Context No. 25 This is deposited above context 24 and below contexts 1,2, and 3. The layer slopes towards the south. According to the manner of sloping, it seems to have drifted with the flow of water, resulting in deposition. Pieces of decorated terracotta were found scattered all over the layer. These have been col­ lected as samples. This layer has yielded a few terracotta beads, stuck together. They are similar to beads recovered from excavations carried out at the citadel in Anuradhapura. Similar beads had been recovered from the megalithic burials of Ibbankatuva. Texture: Clay 60 % ; Sand 30 % ; Silt 10% Context No. 26 This is a thin deposit located under context 24 and above context 27. This layer slopes from the middle of the cave towards the front (the east) and extends forward. Here, cultural remains are rare. Apart from a few lithic debris, no other cultural remains were found. These splinters may have em­ erged from context 27, or those which had fallen from context 24 This layer, which lies between context 27 and 24, reveals that the cave had been abandoned for some time (it is devoid of human habitation). This layer has been deposited by water, wind or dust. Texture: Sand 65 % ; Clay 25 %; Silt 10 % . Context No. 27 This is located under the contexts 26 and 24 and above context 19. This layer has been deposited as a result of prehis­ toric human activities. This layer is harder than context 24, but in respect of cultural remains, it is similar. From this layer a number of ‘pitted hammer stones’ were recovered. Apart from these, and for the first time in the Dry Zone, two anvils were recovered from this layer. Tools made of bone remains, chert and quartz were found in large numbers. While the layer slopes towards east, west and south, the highest layer reached lies in the centre of the cave. Texture: Clay 40 % ; Gravel 20 % ; Sand 20 % ; Silt 20 % .